Negotiating with Terrorists: Strategy, Tactics, and Politics (Political Violence)

Editorial Reviews. Review. "An important collection of papers analyzing when, why, and how Negotiating with Terrorists: Strategy, Tactics, and Politics ( Political Violence) - Kindle edition by Guy Olivier Faure, I. William Zartman. Download it.
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Given that rules of social engagement may prevent men from searching a woman for explosives, female officers have become necessary for identifying women who are attempting terrorist attacks. Solutions on how to dissuade women from terrorism include providing them educational and economic opportunities. Though research shows terrorists do not commit their acts only out of economic desperation Piazza, , it is argued that terrorism becomes an attractive option to women in patriarchal societies when they see few opportunities for success.

To engage women in counterinsurgency Dyvik, , the U. Women in the military interact with Afghan women in everyday settings related to education and community building, but, at the same time, they see women as a way to gather strategic information about the community.

Counterterrorism strategies, therefore, also can be considered a form of victimization of women who are related to terrorists. Prison conditions for those arrested in relation to terrorism are questionable. Women and children also become victims of terrorism in the U.

Scholarship about women in these positions is sparse, but thus far indicates that women are not present in these positions to the same extent as men. Jalalzai explains that countries with powerful presidencies and large militaries, and particularly states with nuclear arms, find it the hardest to elect women as presidents Masculinity is associated with strength and the ability to protect, thus making it difficult for the public to perceive of women, who are often portrayed as soft and passive, as being fit for presidential and military leadership Sperling, Although Clinton had experience dealing with diplomacy as well as terrorism in that post—including being present in the decision to take out al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden—Trump deemed her unfit for military leadership and broader executive leadership.

While women have not occupied the chief executive position in the United States, in comparative perspective, women increasingly find themselves in ministerial positions, although not at the same rates as men. Almost one-third of U. Because women often are perceived through the lens of motherhood or care duties, they are often chosen to lead ministries related to family and social services.

When women occupy high positions in the military, they are expected to convey aggression and independence rather than feminine traits Connell, Local policing can also be considered a context in which men leaders tend to dominate. For example, women politicians and terrorists are stereotyped in terms of their physical appearance, with their hair color or sexual appeal noted in the media Nacos, Therefore, they extrapolate that anxiety over terrorism might also be met with a preference for solutions, which Clinton demonstrated aptly during the campaign.

While Trump showed a slight lead on the issue of terrorism in June of , polling by several news agencies in September suggested that Clinton had a slight edge Pew Research Center, ; Shepard, , with the public ranking her significantly higher on foreign policy in general and ability to lead during a crisis like a terrorist attack. Nevertheless, Clinton did not win the presidency, thereby calling into question the degree to which voters actually prioritized her policy experience during their vote. Women also play a role in or related to political violence in terms of social movement participation and leadership.

Because women are essentialized as more naturally peaceful than men, it comes as no surprise that they garner much attention as they act in peace movements. For example, women in Israel mobilized in Women in Black beginning in , with the goal of advocating for peace in Israel and the Palestinian territories of Gaza and the West Bank. Women in Black chapters are now located in other parts of the world.

These women, as well as women in other peace movements around the world, demonstrate agency by asserting that women make a difference when they stress gender as an important dimension of peace settlements. Moreover, these activists advocate for pensions, housing, and health benefits for survivors or families of victims.

Terrorism influences the emotions and mental health of those witnessing it. Anger causes citizens to prefer policies associated with force. Women report more mental illness in the aftermath of a direct experience of terrorism see Heskin, for description of this in an Irish case as well as more depression as members of the public Huddy et al.

Or, as Huddy, Feldman, and Cassese explain, women are more worried about personal victimization in many aspects of life; thus, they also may feel more victimized by terrorism see also Mendez et al. Women are present in violent politics in many ways—as terrorists, guerrilla fighters, and as wartime combatants.

They also participate in indirect ways, as a support to men fighters or as social media leaders. They respond to violence through activism in social movements, and women are more often becoming foreign policy leaders who address violence through policy leadership. Although media and scholarship occasionally cast women as victims of men and patriarchal, violent contexts, women are agents and can possibly be victims and agents at the same time. Although a greater understanding of women in violent conflict has developed in recent years, several avenues of research are needed to obtain a fuller sense of gender and conflict.

Three considerations are suggested as research goes forth. First, terrorism studies increasingly emphasize how terrorists leave violent organizations and how terrorists experience de-radicalization Horgan, This concern relates to counterterrorism and also points to many post-conflict puzzles related to gender. As a result, it is imperative to continue to study how women terrorists and women guerrillas function in new social and employment contexts after leaving violent groups or at the termination of organizational violence. Political memory also comes to the forefront following the cessation of terrorist or wartime violence.

Although there are individual memory projects related to women in war, such as statues erected to recognize the comfort women of Korea, a comparative understanding of gender and memory or memory regarding terrorism does not exist. The Basque case described shows that women are essential actors in the memory process and that memory itself is gendered. Given the gendered argument that women join terrorist organizations because of relationships with men, one might expect to find fewer women lone wolves.

He explains that men are more likely to be risk takers than women, which he believes partially explains why women do not act alone. More research on this topic is needed because data are circumstantial at this point. Narrative and post-positivist studies have provided the study of international relations with an excellent grasp of how institutions, the media, and society construct gender, as it relates to political violence, and they critique essentialism found in the framing of women terrorists.

A couple of types of research that generate new data and understandings would promote this field of study forward. The study of gender, war, and terrorism, as argued, includes analyses of women participating in and responding to violence as political leaders and social movement activists. The latter group of women are easier to interview than terrorists, thus researchers should engage with women in social movements and women political leaders to see how they gender their work or respond to gender effects of war and terrorism.

What are their motivations for participating in this policy area? How does their status as women impact their ability to act as peacekeepers or policymakers related to terrorism and political violence? What terrorists really want: Terrorist motives and counterterrorism strategy. International Security , 32 4 , 78— Anxiety over terrorism advantages Hillary Clinton. Political Communication , 33 4 , — Mass mediated misconceptions of female terrorists.

Alternative paths of inquiry pp. Cogs in the wheel? Women in the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam. Civil Wars , 6 1 , 37— Women as agents of political violence: Security Dialogue , 35 4 , — Situating women in counterterrorism discourses: Undulating masculinities and luminal femininities. Boston University Law Review , 93 3 , — Jihad, counter-terrorism and mothers. Discourses of terrorism and writing woman-as-agent. International Feminist Journal of Politics , 14 1 , — The politics of haunting and memory in international relations.

European Journal of Political Research , 37 4 , — Palestinian suicide bombers as victimizers and victims. Violence and Victims , 20 6 , — Gender, Palestinian women, and terrorism: Suicide bombers as women warriors: Making news through mythical archetypes. Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly , 82 3 , — Daedalus , , 94— The many faces of women terrorists. Emotion and public opinion. What makes a terrorist terrifying? Gender and emotion in context. The trauma of truth telling: Effects of witnessing in the Rwandan Gacaca Courts on psychological health.

Journal of Conflict Resolution , 54 , — Women and emerging counter-terror measures. Human rights perspectives pp. From Vietnam to Iraq: Continuity and change in between-group differences in support for military action.

How Gender Intersects With Political Violence and Terrorism

Social Problems , 55 , — Military Review , 88 4 , 96— Rape as a weapon of war. Hypatia , 11 , 5— Accounting for the gender gap in public opinion. Why and which feminist antimilitarism? Political and gender dynamics of peace movements. Seattle Journal for Social Justice , 14 2: Mothers, recruiters, and martyrs. Intersectionality, identity politics, and violence against women of color.

Stanford Law Review , 43 6 , — An agenda for the 21st century. Political Psychology , 21 2 , — Cross-regional trends in female terrorism. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism , 26 3 , — American and Pakistani reactions to the U. The Stanford Journal of Science, Technology , 5. International Feminist Journal of Politics , 16 3 , — These Israeli women marched from the Lebanese border to Jerusalem. Gender difference in American public opinion on the use of military force, — International Studies Quarterly , 60 1 , — University of California Press.

Getting to the top: Career paths of women in Latin American cabinets. Political Research Quarterly , 62 4 , — Deradicalization and disengagement from violent extremism. International terrorism and mental health: Recent research and future directions.

Refine your editions:

Journal of Interpersonal Violence , 23 3 , — Occupation of the womb: Forced impregnation as genocide. Duke Law Journal , 46 73 , 91— Monuments, public memory, and Post-Soviet identity in Stavropol, Russia. Communist and Post-Communist Studies , 46 , — The politics of threat: How terrorism news shapes foreign policy attitudes. Journal of Politics , 72 2 , — Gendercides around the world.

From peace to violence. International Feminist Journal of Politics , 11 2 , — Beyond mothers, monsters, whores. University of Chicago Press. How gender shapes the war system and vice versa. Gender and voting behavior. Mobilizing the will to prosecute: Crimes of rape at the Yugoslav and Rwandan Tribunals.

Human Rights Review , 12 1 , — Reconsidering the criminalization of rape in the international law of armed conflict. Melbourne Journal of International Law , 9 1 , 78— Northern Ireland, a psychological analysis. Women and Islamic resistance in Lebanon and the Palestinian territories. Critical Studies on Terrorism , 3 3 , — A process in need of clarity and a counterterrorism initiative in need of evaluation.

Perspectives on Terrorism , 2 4.

On the complex and varied political effects of gender. Terrorism, anxiety, and war.


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    • An Interdisciplinary Perspective pp. The news media, the government, and the public pp. Terrorism and Political Violence , 21 3 , — Gender, power, and the comparative presidency. Shattered, cracked, or firmly intact? Women and the executive glass ceiling. Straight as a rule: Heteronormativity, gendercide and the noncombatant male.

    Men and Masculinities , 8 4 , — Addressing the use of sexual violence as a strategic weapon of war. The socially destructive process of genocidal rape, killing and displacement in Darfur. Law and Society Review , 49 1 , 69— Women and guerrilla movements: Nicaragua, El Salvador, Chiapas, Cuba. Pennsylvania State University Press. The global rise of genocide and terror.

    The appointment of female cabinet ministers worldwide. Journal of Politics , 74 3 , — Women, war, and winning elections: Gender stereotyping in the post September 11th era. Political Research Quarterly , 53 3 , — Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. Ideas, institutions, and issues.

    Just an expensive mirage?

    International Journal , 63 3 , — The influence of women suicide bombers on the American public. The portrayal of female terrorists in the media: Similar framing patterns in the news coverage of women in politics and in terrorism. Terrorism and counterterrorism 5th ed. Counterterrorism, the media, and public opinion. In the name of the cause: History and representation in Lowell, Massachusetts.

    Letting down the ladder or shutting the door: Female prime ministers, party leaders, and cabinet ministers. Security Studies , 18 4 , — Ethnonationalist, state, and intimate terrorism. Critical Studies on Terrorism , 7 3 , — Women policymakers framing their leadership and lives in relation to terrorism: Journal of Women, Politics, and Policy , 37 2 , — Sex and the body. Gender in a transnational world pp. Feminist international relations and women militants: Case studies from Sri Lanka and Kashmir. Cambridge Review of International Affairs , 22 2 , — Women and militant wars: The politics of injury.

    Perspectives on Terrorism , 9 3.

    Negotiating with Terrorists: Strategy, Tactics, and Politics (Political Violence | eBay

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    Get the item you ordered or get your money back. This edited volume addresses the important issue of negotiating with terrorists, and offers recommendations for best practice and processes. Hostage negotiation is the process of trying to align two often completely polarised parties. Authorities view hostage taking as unacceptable demands made by unacceptable means. However terrorists view their actions as completely justified, even on moral and religious grounds.