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Explore this illustrated narrative history of buildings for young readers, an amazing construction in itself. We spend most of our lives in buildings. We make our homes in them. We go to school in them. We work in them. But why and how did people start making buildings?

How did they learn to make them stronger, bigger, and more comfortable? Why did they start to decorate them in different ways? Clear explanations of basic building concepts cantilevers, arches and domes, reinforced concrete are balanced with discussions of more abstract principles such as symmetry, geometry, and pattern.

Each picture is thoroughly but unobtrusively annotated… The main text has a nice narrative flow that links the buildings and eras together, and Dillon has a gift for evocation as well as explanation. It of Atra-hasis, the clay is mixed with the blood occurs as an isolated motif, held by a god, or of a slain god. In the Epic of Creation, man is set above a goat or sitting dog. It is often apparently created solely from the blood of a placed close to the 'figure with mace', with slain god, Qingu. Finally, the quickening power of the divine It is a symbol of the god Amurru Martu.

On a Kassite seal the crook is held by the Especially Enki is described as undertaking fish-garbed figure, who is associated with Ea the organisation of the universe, and as accom- Enki. On Neo-Assyrian seals a god who plishing this solely by the creative power of his stands upon a goat-fish, probably Ea, some- word. See Berossos; Igigii; Sacred Marriage. The constellation called the Crook corre- sponds to Auriga see zodiac. Its Ak- ese cross. In prehistoric and early historic art, 48 kadian name was uskaru. In all periods a the form occurs only as part of geometric and common variant placed the emblem on a post, floral designs, or in isolated contexts to which it 74 sometimes with elaborate trimmings, when it is difficult to attach with any certainty a reli- appears as an independent motif or is held by gious meaning.

After the Early Dynastic gods, goddesses, or animal or hybrid figures. Period the motif disappears from art until the Probably it was then considered to have a mid-second millennium BC. From the Old Appearing frequently on Kassite Period Babylonian Period onwards, and especially cylinder seals with a rarer variant on Middle 76 from Kassite times, Sin's crescent was often Assyrian , the 'Kassite' cross, as it has been 47,73 depicted within a disc; sometimes this appears called, probably had an independent origin.

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It to be a fusion of the crescent and solar disc, as may have been a symbol of the Kassite sun if symbolic of an eclipse. In Neo-Assyrian and deity. These include, most rather than the winged disc which is invariably 21 commonly, positioning between a god with to be seen. It is only rarely that the cross stands raised hand and a worshipper the latter some- in place of the winged disc on Assyrian seals, times, in fact, omitted , above scenes of hunt-.

Sculptures of Assyrian kings, cult statues however, can show them wearing divine sym- The gods manifested themselves on earth 49 bols as earrings or as pendants strung upon a through the vehicle of their cult statues. With- necklace, and in these cases it is the cross out exactly being the god, the statue was 47 A crescent here, as often, enclosed within a disc , symbol of the moon god Sin Nanna-Suen. Sargon of Agade restrict the divine presence.

Baal Hadad and second only in rank to the Cult statues were made at least as early as the supreme god El. However, he is not an impor- Third Dynasty of Ur, usually carved in an tant figure in Ugaritic myths. The goddess Sala the mouth'. Since the deity needed to eat and became his spouse; in a different tradition, drink see food and drink of the gods , the Dagan's wife was Ishara.

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It was said to be by temple kitchens would prepare daily meals. The sacrifices and S amsi-Adad I, 'worshipper of Dagan', built a offerings of devotees supplemented the stocks temple to the god at Terqa, which he named of food, which, in practice, were eaten by the E-kisiga, the 'House of Funerary Offerings'. In clergy and temple staff.

The cult statue was not an Assyrian poem, Dagan sits, along with Ner- only fed, but also dressed in the finest gar- gal and MYsaru see good and evil , as judge ments, constantly bathed, taken to bed in the of the dead when they reached the under- god's richly adorned bedchamber, and treated world. In Babylonian belief Dagan kept with to festivities and entertainments, such as him in the underworld, in everlasting bondage, music. Diversions from the routine were pro- the seven children of the god Enmesarra see vided by the great monthly festivals and other Seven gods.

See nude woman; Sacred Marriage; Damgalnuna Damkina temples and temple architecture. Damgalnuna is the earlier Sumerian name of the goddess Damkina.


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Perhaps originally one of a number sively throughout the Near East, including of mother goddesses, she achieved an in- Mesopotamia. The original meaning of the dependent personality as the wife of Enki. In name is unknown, but dagan is a common word the Babylonian Epic of Creation, Ea Enki in Hebrew and Ugaritic for 'grain', and and Damkina are the parents of the god Mar- according to one tradition the god Dagan was duk.

Assurnasirpal II, king of Assyria the inventor of the plough. Apparently, the eleven monstrous the circle of Nanse. Old Babylonian Period. Nothing in detail is known of the myth or Astrologically, Damu was associated with myths concerning the killing of the Slain the constella ti on called the Pig possibly Del- Heroes, but it seems clear that they were gods phinus. A number of deities were regarded as dead. Nor were 'heroes' exempt from death. Unlike mortal men, gods do not seem ever to have died of diseases, nor generally of the activities of demons although Dumuzi was seized by gallas.

Dead gods were usually those 50 who had been slain. Seals of the Akkadian 50 One god cuts the throat of another. Both Period show deities in ba tt le, sometimes one figures wear the horned cap of divinity. From a slaying another. Since in both cases gest her 'death'.


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This has protective demons , it seems that, in spite of been interpreted as Nergal, lord of the under- being dead, these gods were thought still to world, at rest. Similarly the magical power and wisdom of ancient and death and funerary practices 9, probably dead gods such as Lahmu and even It was believed in ancient Mesopotamia that 11,12 the Seven Sages could be harnessed by the immortality was reserved for gods; death was modelling of a figurine in the image of the the inevitable lot of man see Siduri.

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Nor was creature and by the recital of incanta tions to the afterlife considered very palatable: in the imbue the figure with the dead entity's presence Sumerian underworld the dead consumed see magic an d sorcery. This is in marked contrast to to be effec tive as a magical force against evil. Egyptian concepts of the glorious life to come, For men, 'death' usually meant journeying which gave rise to the practice of embalming to the underworld see afterlife; death and and mummification.

Mesopotamian pessimism funerary practices , but for a god who was in this regard probably arose from the com- not dismembered as Tiamat or Qingu were paratively harsh condi tions of almost every the precise meaning of his or her 'death' is aspect of life, the alluvial plain of Sumer being unclear. Huwawa seems simply to disappear well suited to agricultural produc ti on but lack- from the scene, as if into oblivion: we do not ing virtually all raw materials, except for hear of his doIngs or sufferings after death.

Some 'dead gods', however, seem to have had It has been suggested that the practice of underworld associa tions. Since he was a shep- munication with the deceased, by means of a herd god, the tradi ti on of his death and rebirth cult of the dead, or, conversely, to restrain the was possibly an aetiological myth related to the dead from haunting the living, as they would passage of the seasons.

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The god's 'death' seems do if left unburied and free to wander see to have involved his forced abduc ti on to the gidim. The Sumerian rite of pouring liba- underworld. See Ningiszida. In the Sumerian poem remain in their graves. In the time of the Third 'Inana's Descent to the Nether World', in Dynasty of Ur, however, as illustrated by order to gain admission to the underworld, a funerary poem, there was a belief in different Inana says that she has come to a tt end the treatments of the dead on arrival in the under- 'funeral' of Gugal-ana, her brother-in-law.

The proper burial of the deceased was memorated his removal to the infernal regions therefore of crucial importance to his or her in a certain sense, his 'death' or whether it future 'life'. The nine ancient Near East seems to have been inhum- skeletons seven adults and two infants do not ation interment of the body in the earth or in all belong to a single period, but date from a container , although the almost complete perhaps about 6o, to 45, years ago. Cremation the burning of cemeteries.

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These involve the graves of male the bodily remains does not seem to have been and female adults and children. Young practised in any period: there is no evidence in children were sometimes buried in the same excavated graves in Mesopotamia for the use of graves as male or female adults, and in fire and a Sumerian text suggests that to be certain periods there is evidence for a blood burned to death accidentally was regarded as a relationship in such cases.

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Babies, however, sorry plight indeed see afterlife. By the first human. Adults were also buried beneath the millennium BC, an exaggerated social differen- floors of houses, but only rarely on rubbish tiation is apparent within given cultures. Neo- tips.