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Now it can only prove the uncharitableness of the apologist, and the impotence of a defeated cause. Yet even this abandonment of the sphere of honourable argument is only one degree more painful than the tortuous subterfuges and wild assertions to which such apologists as Hengstenberg, Keil, and their followers were long compelled to have recourse.

Anything can be proved about anything if we call to our aid indefinite suppositions of errors of transcription, interpolations, transpositions, extraordinary silences, still more extraordinary methods of presenting events, and in general the unconsciously disingenuous resourcefulness of traditional harmonics.

To maintain that the Book of Daniel, as it now stands, was written by Daniel in the days of the Exile is to cherish a belief which can only, at the utmost, be extremely uncertain, and which must be maintained in defiance of masses of opposing evidence. There can be little intrinsic value in a determination to believe historical and literary assumptions which can no longer be maintained except by preferring the flimsiest hypotheses to the most certain facts.

I believe them to have been put forth as moral legends—as avowed fiction nobly used for the purposes of religious teaching and encouragement.

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In ages of ignorance, in which no such thing as literary criticism existed, a popular Haggada might soon come to be regarded as historical, just as the Homeric lays were among the Greeks, or just as Defoe's story of the Plague of London was taken for literal history by many readers even in the seventeenth century. Ingenious attempts have been made to show that the author of this Book evinces an intimate familiarity with the circumstances of the Babylonian religion, society, and history. In many cases this is the reverse of the fact.

The instances adduced in favour of any knowledge except of the most general description are entirely delusive. It is frivolous to maintain, with Lenormant, that an exceptional acquaintance with Babylonian custom was required to describe Nebuchadrezzar as consulting diviners for the interpretation of a dream! To say nothing of the fact that a similar custom has prevailed in all nations and all ages from the days of Samuel to those of Lobengula, the writer had the prototype of Pharaoh before him, and has evidently been influenced by the story of Joseph.

Once more, is it not futile to adduce the allusion to punishment by burning alive as a proof of insight into Babylonian peculiarities? This punishment had already been mentioned by Jeremiah in the case of Nebuchadrezzar. He, too, had been supernaturally rescued from the burning fiery furnace of Nimrod, to which he had been consigned because he refused to worship idols in Ur of the Chaldees.

List of Major and Minor Prophets of the Old Testament

When the instances mainly relied upon prove to be so evidentially valueless, it would be waste of time to follow Professor Fuller through the less important and more imaginary proofs of accuracy which his industry has amassed. Meanwhile the feeblest reasoner will see that while a writer may easily be accurate in general facts, and even in details, respecting an age [Pg 45] long previous to that in which he wrote, the existence of violent errors as to matters with which a contemporary must have been familiar at once refutes all pretence of historic authenticity in a book professing to have been written by an author in the days and country which he describes.

Now such mistakes there seem to be, and not a few of them, in the pages of the Book of Daniel. One or two of them can perhaps be explained away by processes which would amply suffice to show that "yes" means "no," or that "black" is a description of "white"; but each repetition of such processes leaves us more and more incredulous.

If errors be treated as corruptions of the text, or as later interpolations, such arbitrary methods of treating the Book are practically an admission that, as it stands, it cannot be regarded as historical. We are, for instance, met by what seems to be a remarkable error in the very first verse of the Book, which tells us that " In the third year of Jehoiakim, King of Judah , came Nebuchad n ezzar"—as in later days he was incorrectly called—"King of Babylon, unto Jerusalem, and besieged it.

It is easy to trace whence the error sprang. Its source lies in a book which is the latest in the whole Canon, and in many details difficult to reconcile with the Book of Kings—a book of which the Hebrew resembles that of Daniel—the Book of Chronicles. In 2 Chron. In this passage it is not said that this occurred " in the third year of Jehoiakim," [Pg 46] who reigned eleven years; but in 2 Kings xxiv. But in any case it seems impossible that it should have taken place so early as the third year of Jehoiakim, for at that time he was a simple vassal of the King of Egypt.

If this deportation took place in the reign of Jehoiakim, it would certainly be singular that Jeremiah, in enumerating three others, in the seventh, eighteenth, and twenty-third year of Nebuchadrezzar, [95] should make no allusion to it.


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But it is hard to see how it could have taken place before Egypt had been defeated in the Battle of Carchemish, and that was not till b. It is only after the violent obstinacy of the king that the destructive advance of Nebuchadrezzar is finally prophesied Jer. Nor are the names in this first chapter free from difficulty. Daniel is called Belteshazzar, and the remark of the King of Babylon—"whose name was Belteshazzar, according to the name of my god "—certainly suggests that the first syllable is as the Massorets assume connected with the god Bel. But the name has nothing to do with Bel.

No contemporary could have fallen into such an error; [98] still less a king who spoke Babylonian. Shadrach may be Shudur-aku , "command of Aku," the moon-god; but Meshach is inexplicable; and Abed-nego is a strange corruption for the obvious and common Abed-nebo, "servant of Nebo. And what is the meaning of "the Melzar " Dan. The A.

Overview: Ezra-Nehemiah

Similar difficulties and uncertainties meet us at every step. Thus, in the second chapter ii.

Hebrews: Daily Devotionals Volume 33

This does not seem to be in accord with i. Nothing, of course, is easier than to invent harmonistic hypotheses, such as that of Rashi, that "the second year of the reign of Nebuchadrezzar " has the wholly different meaning of "the second year after the destruction of the Temple "; or as that of Hengstenberg, followed by many modern apologists, that Nebuchadrezzar had previously been associated in the kingdom with Nabopolassar, and that this was the second year of his independent reign.

Or, again, we may, with Ewald, read "the twelfth year. In much later ages the name was used, as it was among the Roman writers, for wandering astrologers and quacks. It never once occurs in this sense on any of the monuments. Unknown to the Assyrian-Babylonian language, [Pg 49] and only acquired long after the end of the Babylonian Empire, such a usage of the word is, as Schrader says, "an indication of the post-exilic composition of the Book. Again, we find in ii. In ver. It is exactly the kind of incident in which the haughty theocratic sentiment of the Jews found delight, and we find a similar spirit in the many Talmudic inventions in which Roman emperors, or other potentates, are represented as paying extravagant adulation to Rabbinic sages.

There is as we shall see a similar story narrated by Josephus of Alexander the Great prostrating himself before the high priest Jaddua, but it has long been relegated to the realm of fable as an outcome of Jewish self-esteem. We further ask in astonishment whether Daniel could have accepted without indignant protest the offering of "an oblation and sweet odours.

They are expressly said to be offered "to Daniel. Lenormant treats this statement as an interpolation, because he regards it as " evidently impossible. It is inconceivable that they should have accepted as their religious superior a monotheist who was the avowed and uncompromising enemy to their whole system of idolatry.

Daniel: On the Way to the Future | Daniel | leondumoulin.nl

It is equally inconceivable that Daniel should have accepted the position of a hierophant in a polytheistic cult. In the next three chapters there is no allusion to Daniel's tenure of these strange and exalted offices, either civil or religious. The third chapter contains another story, told in a style of wonderful stateliness and splendour, and full of glorious lessons; but here again we encounter linguistic and other difficulties.

Thus in iii. Four of the names of the officers in iii. It [Pg 52] is exactly the kind of concrete comment which a Jewish writer of piety and genius, for the encouragement of his afflicted people, might have based upon such a passage as Isa. In chap. In iv. As to the [Pg 53] story of the strange lycanthropy with which Nebuchadrezzar was afflicted, though it receives nothing but the faintest shadow of support from any historic record, it may be based on some fact preserved by tradition.

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It is probably meant to reflect on the mad ways of Antiochus. The general phrase of Berossus, which tells us that Nebuchadrezzar "fell into a sickness and died," [] has been pressed into an historical verification of this narrative! But the phrase might have been equally well used in the most ordinary case, [] which shows what fancies have been adduced to prove that we are here dealing with history.


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The fragment of Abydenus in his Assyriaca , preserved by Eusebius, [] shows that there was some story about Nebuchadrezzar having uttered remarkable words upon his palace-roof. The announcement of a coming irrevocable calamity to the kingdom from a Persian mule, "the son of a Median woman," and the wish that " the alien conqueror " might be driven "through the desert where wild beasts seek their food, and birds fly hither and thither," has, however, very little to do with the story of Nebuchadrezzar's madness.

Abydenus says that, "when he had thus prophesied, he suddenly vanished"; and he adds nothing about any restoration to health or to his kingdom. All that [Pg 54] can be said is that there was current among the Babylonian Jews some popular legend of which the writer of the Book of Daniel availed himself for the purpose of his edifying Midrash. When we reach the fifth chapter, we are faced by a new king, Belshazzar, who is somewhat emphatically called the son of Nebuchadrezzar. History knows of no such king. There was a Belshazzar— Bel-sar-utsur , "Bel protect the prince"—and we possess a clay cylinder of his father Nabunaid, the last king of Babylon, praying the moon-god that "my son, the offspring of my heart, might honour his godhead, and not give himself to sin.

Xenophon, indeed, speaks of "an impious king" as being slain in Babylon; but this is only in an avowed romance [Pg 55] which has not the smallest historic validity. These are mere hypotheses; as are those of Josephus, [] who identifies Belshazzar with Nabunaid whom he calls Naboandelon ; and of Babelon, who tries to make him the same as Maruduk-shar-utsur as though Bel was the same as Maruduk , which is impossible, as this king reigned before Nabunaid.

No contemporary writer could have fallen into the error either of calling Belshazzar "king"; or of insisting on his being "the son" of Nebuchadrezzar; [] or of representing him as Nebuchadrezzar's successor. Nebuchadrezzar was succeeded by—. Nabunaid reigned till about b. The conduct of Belshazzar in the great feast of this chapter is probably meant as an allusive contrast to the revels and impieties of Antiochus Epiphanes, especially in his infamous festival at the grove of Daphne.

But on this point the inscriptions of Cyrus have revolutionised our knowledge. Gobryas and his soldiers entered the city without fighting, and the daily services in the great temple of Bel-merodach suffered no interruption. Three months later Cyrus himself arrived, and made his peaceful entry into the new capital of his empire.