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Book , Online - Google Books. William Henry Temple , Thornton, Douglas M. Douglas Montagu , Missionaries -- Egypt -- Biography. Main Reading Room - Held offsite. It illustrates how Anglicanism became enculturated across a broad swath of cultural contexts. The influence of context, and the challenge of adaption to it, framed Anglicanism's twentieth-century experience. The Growth of Global Anglicanism. Building the Church Culturally. Contextual and Religious Challenges. Sachs is a teacher, writer, and Episcopal priest who has served churches and taught in seminaries and colleges in Virginia, Connecticut, and Chicago.

Either way, the key argument advanced here is the need to disaggregate educational attainment measured in years into the fields of study pursued in higher education. The reason for so doing is to sharpen the focus on whether learning about the arts and humanities during the college or university experience, compared to other fields of study, is key for shaping later life consumption of the arts. Lastly, with regard to the influence of family background and possibly early life socialization of propensities to partake of the arts, it is worth noting that many of the MIDUS studies described in the next section include assessments of parental education in their analytic models.

The key future direction called for below is the need to assess cumulative exposures to the arts in fine-grained ways that cover more than attendance at a wide variety of cultural events. Having greater information on the scope of personal reading of literature, poetry, philosophy, art as well as the frequency of listening to music what varieties? Effectively, how much do daily practices involve taking in varieties of the arts? Also important, and not sufficiently differentiated in arts participation surveys, are important distinctions between artistic expression versus appreciation Lomas, Education in and continuing exposure to the arts and humanities are under-appreciated and under-studied forces for eudaimonia and health see Ryff, To consider how such cumulative exposures might be researched, studies from MIDUS focused on cumulative indices across different domains are briefly sketched.

Following these examples, future directions for assessing cumulative exposures to the arts and humanities in studies like MIDUS are detailed. Such directions would permit investigation of the linkage between such exposures and unfolding profiles of well-being and health. Gruenewald et al. Those with higher cumulative adversity were found to have higher levels of allostatic load. Similarly, Tsenkova Pudrovska and Karlamangla showed that childhood SES disadvantage propelled unequal trajectories of adult SES disadvantage, which in turn, were linked with increased risk for prediabetes and diabetes.

Underscoring the limits of human agency under adversity, Schafer, Ferraro and Mustillo documented enduring effects on subjective life evaluations past and present from childhood misfortune. Negative life experiences constitute other forms of exposure to cumulative adversity.

Slopen et al. Such exposures predicted greater likelihood of smoking among urban middle-aged Blacks, with longitudinal analyses showing notably greater odds of smoking persistence over years Slopen et al. Persistent marital distress has been linked with brain-based assessments of emotion regulation Lapate et al.

Introduction

Higher negativity in relationships with spouse and family all assessed across longitudinally were found to predict higher allostatic load Brooks et al, Taken together, these findings illustrate the diverse ways in which negative cumulative exposures have been assessed in MIDUS and linked to multiple health outcomes. Surprisingly little work has focused on positive cumulative exposures. An exception pertains to trajectories of eudaimonic well-being, which when examined longitudinally show considerable stability, albeit at different levels.

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That is, some individuals were persistently high in well-being, while others were persistently low well-being over years. Ryff, Radler, and Friedman linked these profiles to health, and found that those with persistently high eudaimonia all six dimensions reported fewer chronic conditions, fewer health symptoms, less functional impairment and higher subjective health over time compared to individuals with persistently low well-being.


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What is the import of findings on cumulative exposures for this essay? Primarily, it is to demonstrate how these questions have become empirically tractable in longitudinal research. Such work augurs well for proposed future research directions involving cumulative cross-time participation in the arts, using assessments as suggested in 2 above. The point of bringing such new measures to longitudinal studies like MIDUS is to launch innovative research on new domains of positive life experience so that their utility in predicting well-being and health can be investigated.

For example, what life cumulative exposures sit behind those who report persistently high levels of eudaimonia? Might life-long consumption of the arts and humanities be part of what nurtures these outcomes?

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Further, do these same cumulative exposures predict better health and reduced biological risk factors? That is, the analytic rigor employed in linking negative cumulative exposures to well-being and health can be brought as well to new studies focused positive cumulative exposures tied to the arts and humanities.

Most of this essay frames the arts and humanities as beneficent realms of human experience that may nurture multiple aspects of well-being and health. Further, higher education is proposed to play an important role in facilitating cumulative exposures to these domains. Along with such salutary ideas, however, is the need to be mindful of forces against eudaimonia Ryff, , one of which may involve elitism in higher education and its role in promoting and perpetuating problems of inequality that are of increasing concern worldwide.

It is useful to reflect the omnipresence of these ideas.

As detailed in 2 above, he saw formal higher education as the primary means by which class hierarchies are maintained across time. Recently, the field of economics has brought heightened salience to problems of inequality via historical analyses. Piketty and Saez then focused on just the last century to show a dramatic drop in inequality in Europe and the U.

Since the s, however, income inequality has surged back in the U. Implicated in this change is the unprecedented rise top executive compensation relative to salaries of lower echelon workers. Graham then extends tale by linking such economic discrepancies to ever more compromised levels of optimism, life satisfaction, and happiness among disadvantaged segments of society. A first finding is that access to college continues to vary greatly by parental income.

Further, rates of upward mobility defined as post-graduate earnings differ substantially across colleges — due to the fact that low-income access varies significantly across them. Although mobility is higher at some public universities, the fraction of low-income students at such schools fell sharply between and Taken together, these above mix of recent findings contrast notably with idealized conceptions of higher education fostering upward mobility in free, democratic societies. If we have returned to a new gilded age, how has higher education and the institutions where it occurs played a contributing role?

Disconcerting findings from a carefully done study by Mendelberg, McCabe, and Thal offer one possible answer. The authors open with calls from other scholars to illuminate the social changes that lie behind growing inequality, and more importantly, widespread acceptance of it. They then develop and test a theory regarding college socialization for norms of financial gain at predominantly affluent colleges. In contrast, they propose that affluent college campuses defined by SES background of students are now socializing for the interests of affluence.

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These individuals, who come from privileged backgrounds and are further socialized in elite institutions are likely to carry notable future influence fostering conservative economic policies that favor the wealthy. Worthy of future inquiry and linked to 1 above is whether the fields of study pursued in college i. Are those who majored in economics and finance, the most popular major at elite institutions Deresiewicz, , driving the above findings? Given certain variability in the data, it would be useful to know what were the fields of study and family backgrounds for students who strongly endorsed the above statement — i.

Alternatively, if Benjamin Franklin got it right in an enduring way, it may not matter what one studies at elite institutions. What may be most important in such settings are the social experiences outside of the classroom. Findings from Mendelberg, McCabe, and Thal clearly documented that joining a fraternity or sorority was key in predicting opposition to taxing the wealthy at elite institutions. What, educationally speaking, are forms of learning that might socialize against values of self-interest, particularly among affluent students?

Behind the astonishing toll in death, was chronic, debilitating over-taxation of lower echelons to pay for the carnage as well as to support indulgent lifestyles of the aristocracy. These questions can and should be empirically studied, but they have not received attention. Put another way, Bourdieu frames higher education at elite institutions as primarily where one learns about taste and the manners and norms of affluence, but for some, including those from privileged backgrounds, higher education may be where exposure to a wider world and the scope of privilege versus suffering in it is most likely to happen.

Above all, Deresiewicz decries the profoundly anti-intellectual nature of contemporary elite education. Here, his treatise converges with themes of eudaimonic well-being emphasized in this essay. That is, although liberal arts training has traditionally been justified in building democratic citizenship, he underscores the critical role of college in building a defensible self that is guided by more than the bromides exchanged everyday on Facebook.

This journey makes essential the building of capacities for introspection. These, he suggests, can be nurtured through reading great literature.


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The distilled message is this:. Unfortunately, however, in defending the arts and humanities, Deresiewicz caricatures the sciences as a realm caring only about objectivity and the impersonal language of numbers. On the contrary, contemporary science, particularly of the sort described in this essay, is deeply concerned with subjective human experience. That scientists seek to assess and quantify these aspects of the human condition is not to demean and diminish them, or to pretend that any such measures are perfectly capturing the phenomena of interest.

Rather, it is to document the power of subjective experience, however crudely measured, in affecting a host of other outcomes, including how well and how long people live. In this sense, the arts and humanities would do well to work in partnership with certain domains of the sciences on topics about which they jointly care. To be specific and return to the research directions formulated above — namely, the role of education in the arts and humanities in shaping life-long consumption of these realms 2 and the role of cumulative exposures to the arts and humanities in shaping unfolding profiles of well-being and health 3 — two supplemental directions are advanced in this section.

The first focuses on where the higher educational experience took place — namely, did it occur at a private or public institution, and among the former, was it a 1 st , 2 nd , or 3 rd tier school in rankings and status? A key question to empirically examine is whether higher education at top elite institutions nurtures perhaps the least engagement in the arts and humanities, both in fields studied in college and in subsequent engagement with the arts, relative to non-elite institutions.

Further, what such shifts might mean with regard to the eudaimonic becoming of the super elite and their long-term health, relative to those who actively choose for coursework in and careers built around life pursuits more in accord with their true calling daimon? Given such science, amidst growing societal inequality, the time is ripe to bring greater research focus to the where of the higher educational experience and what it means for life-long well-being and health.

Effectively, does elite education fuel excessive self-interest, if not greed, among those destined for important future leadership roles? Second is the question of for whom — intended to illuminate individual variability in the data being reported, as captured by the socioeconomic backgrounds students bring with them to the college experience, and importantly, the career choices they make.

But some from those backgrounds as well as some more from disadvantaged families, choose for less remunerative careers teachers, social workers, ministers, nurses, public-interest lawyers, poets, musicians because they find such paths more intrinsically meaningful. Further, as emphasized by Damon , the college educated do not have a corner on the market when it comes to purposeful living — some bus drivers, clerks, waitresses, truckers, and garbage collectors, in fact, find meaning in their work. What these observations underscore is the need to bring new lines of inquiry into previously published studies.

That is, who are the students at all varieties of colleges and universities who choose a higher calling than becoming wealthy?