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To resolve the war in the East with Russia and to root out corruption.


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That same day, President Trump called to congratulate him on his win. An advisor to Vice President Pence testified that the inauguration had not yet been scheduled and therefore the reason for the abrupt change of plans was not related to any scheduling issues. Daniel Goldman: So what had happened in the three weeks between April 21 and May 13 when Vice President Pence was originally invited and then disinvited or removed from the delegation?

A few things. Third, on May 9th, Mr. Daniel Goldman: But after public backlash and apparent pushback from the Ukrainians, Mr. Giuliani canceled his trip the next day, claiming the President Zelensky was surrounded by enemies of President Trump. Daniel Goldman: At a critical May 23 meeting in the Oval Office, President Trump said that Ukraine was corrupt and tried to take him down in The same false narrative pushed by President Putin and Mr. And in order for the White House meeting to occur, President Trump told the delegation they must talk to Rudy to get the visit scheduled.

Daniel Goldman: These comments from President Trump were the first of many subsequent indications that in his mind, corruption equals investigations. In the weeks and months following, Mr. Giuliani relayed to both Ukrainian officials and the government officials that President Trump had designated at the May 23 meeting to take a lead on Ukraine policy. The directive from President Trump that a White House meeting would not occur until Ukraine announced the two political investigations that President Trump required.

And well before the July 25th call, Ambassador Sondland and Volker also relayed this quid pro quo to the Ukrainians, including to President Zelensky himself. Daniel Goldman: Ambassador Volker conveyed the message directly to President Zelensky at the beginning of July, urging him to reference investigations associated with the Giuliani factor with President Trump.

Yermak, that he had an agreement with acting Chief of Staff Mich Mulvaney that the White House visit would be scheduled if Ukraine announced the investigations.

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Daniel Goldman: One witness testified that during the second of the meetings, Ambassador Sondland began to review what the deliverable would be in order to get the meeting, referring to an investigation of the Bidens. The witness told the committee that the request was explicit. There was no ambiguity. And then Ambassador Sondland also mentioned Burisma, a major Ukrainian energy company that Hunter Biden sat on the board of.

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Daniel Goldman: To the witnesses that testified before the committee, the references to Burisma was shorthand for an investigation into the Bidens. Ambassador Bolton as well as his staff members, objected to this meeting for an investigations trade. And Ambassador Bolton told Dr. Daniel Goldman: Yet this was not a rogue operation by Mr.

Giuliani and Ambassador Sondland and Volker. As Ambassador Sondland testified, everyone was in the loop, including Mr. Mulvaney, Secretary Pompeo, Secretary Perry and their top advisors. On July 19th, Ambassador Sondland emailed Mr. Daniel Goldman: The evidence also unambiguously shows that the Ukrainians understood this quid pro quo and had serious reservations, particularly because President Zelensky had won the election on an anti-corruption platform. Danyliuk, during which he conveyed to me that President Zelensky did not want to be used as a pawn in a U.


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And just four days later, President Zelensky received that message via Kurt Volker, that he needed to convince President Trump that he would do the investigations in order to get that White House meeting. And as I have described, President Zelensky tried to do exactly that on the July 25th call with President …. Yermak to Madrid to meet with Mr. Giuliani in coordination with Mr. They continued this pressure campaign to secure a public announcement of the investigations.

Now, according to Ambassador Sondland, and this is very important, President Trump did not require that Ukraine actually conduct the investigations as a prerequisite for the White House meeting. Instead, the Ukrainian government needed only to publicly announce the investigations. Daniel Goldman: When the aid proposed a statement that did not include specific references to the investigations that President Trump wanted, the Burisma and Biden investigation and the election investigation, Mr Giuliani relayed that that would not be good enough to get a White House meeting. And here you can see a comparison on the left of the original statement drafted by Mr.

Yermak, the top aid to President Zelensky, and on the right, a revised statement with Mr. Daniel Goldman: The only difference in the statement that Giuliani required and the statement that the Ukrainians had drafted was this reference to the two investigations that President Trump wanted and told President Zelensky about on the July 25th call. By mid August, Ukraine did not make a public announcement of the investigations that President Trump required, and as a result, no White House meeting was scheduled.

But by this time the president was pushing on another pressure point to coerce Ukraine to announce the investigations, the hold on the vital military assistance that the president had put in place for more than a month and still without any explanation to any of the policy experts. Daniel Goldman: Our investigation revealed that a number of Ukrainian officials had made quiet inquiries to various US officials about the aid as early as July 25th the day of the phone call.

Inquiries by Ukrainian officials continued in the weeks that followed until the hold was revealed at the end of August. But this is important.

It was important for the Ukrainian officials to keep it quiet because if it became public, then Russia would know that the US support for Ukraine might be on ice. So by the end of that month, the evidence revealed several facts. One, the president demanded that Ukraine publicly announced two politically motivated investigations to benefit his reelection.

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Two, A coveted white house meeting was expressly conditioned on Ukraine announcing those investigations. Three, President Trump had placed a hold on vital military assistance to Ukraine without any explanation and not withstanding the uniform support for that assistance from the relevant federal agencies and Congress. Daniel Goldman: Ambassador Taylor testified that this quid pro quo between the investigations President Trump wanted and the security assistance that President Trump needed was crazy.

Hopefully that will break the logjam. Ambassador Sondland testified that this was a reference to the political investigations that President Trump discussed on the July 25th call, which Secretary Pompeo ultimately admitted to that he listened to in real time. Daniel Goldman: Ambassador Sondland hoped that this would help lift the logjam, which he meant the hold on critical security assistance to Ukraine and the White House meeting.

On September 1st at a pre-briefing with Vice President Pence before he met with President Zelensky, Ambassador Sondland raised the issue of the hold on security assistance. Daniel Goldman: Vice President Pence simply nodded in response expressing neither surprise nor dismay at the linkage between the two. Ambassador Sondland then explained to Ambassador Taylor that he had previously made a mistake in telling Ukrainian officials that only the White House meeting was conditioned on a public announcement of the political investigations beneficial to President Trump.

Daniel Goldman: In truth, everything, the White House meeting and the vital security assistance to Ukraine was now conditioned on the public announcement. President Trump wanted President Zelensky in a public box, a private commitment was not good enough.

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Nearly one week later on September 7th, the hold remained and President Trump and Ambassador Sondland spoke on the phone. The president immediately told Ambassador Sondland that there was no quid pro quo, but, and this is very important, President Zelensky would still be required to announce the investigations in order for the hold on security assistance to be lifted, and he should want to do it. Daniel Goldman: In effect, this is the equivalent of saying there is no quid pro quo, no this for that, before then demanding precisely that quid pro quo.

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And immediately after this phone call with President Trump, this was the precise message that Ambassador Sondland passed directly to President Zelensky. Yermak and had told them that although this was not a quid pro quo, if President Zelensky did not clear things up in public, we would be at a stalemate. And I understood a stalemate to mean that Ukraine would not receive the much needed military assistance.

And although there is no doubt that President Trump had ordered the military aid held up until the Ukrainians committed to the investigations, on October 17th acting chief of staff, Mick Mulvaney confirmed in public that there was such a quid pro quo. Mick Mulvaney: Those were the driving factors. Did he also mention to me in the past the corruption related to the DNC server? No question about that. Now, there was a report-. Speaker 1: So the demand for an investigation into the Democrats was part of the reason that he ordered to withhold funding to Ukraine?

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Mick Mulvaney: The look back to what happened in certainly was part of the thing that he was worried about corruption with that nation. And that is absolutely appropriate. Daniel Goldman: There you have it. On September 9th, the intelligence oversight and foreign affairs committees announced an investigation into President Trump and Mr. And later that same day, the intelligence committee learned that a whistleblower had filed a complaint nearly a month earlier related to some unknown issue, but which the president and the White House knew was related to Ukraine and had been circulating among them for some time.

And then two days later on September 11th in the face of growing public and congressional scrutiny, President Trump lifted the hold on security assistance to Ukraine. Daniel Goldman: As with the implementation of the hold, no reason was provided. Put simply, President Trump got caught, so he released the aid. But even since this investigation began, the president has demonstrated no contrition or acknowledgement that his demand for a foreign country to interfere in our election is wrong.

In fact, he has repeatedly called on Ukraine to investigate Vice President Biden, his rival. These and other actions by the president and his associates demonstrate that his determination to solicit foreign interference in our election continues today. And it did not end when his Ukrainian scheme was exposed in September of this year. Daniel Goldman: President Trump also engaged once this investigation began in an unprecedented effort to obstruct the inquiry, and I look forward to answering your questions about that unprecedented obstruction.

But in conclusion, I want to say that the intelligence committee has produced to you a nearly page report, and I am grateful that you have offered me the opportunity today to walk you through some of the evidence underlying it. Admittedly, it is a lot to digest, but let me just say this. It can be boiled down to four key takeaways. First that President Trump directed a scheme to pressure Ukraine into opening two investigations that would benefit his reelection campaign and not the US national interest.

Third, everyone was in the loop, his chief of staff, the secretary of state, and vice president. And forth, despite the public discovery of this scheme, which prompted the president to release the aid, he has not given up. He and his agents continue to solicit Ukrainian interference in our election causing an imminent threat to our elections and our national security.