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Table of contents

However, their previous involvement consisted primarily of creating them and sharing them on content oriented platforms like 4chan and Reddit. At 63 percent, the MemeGeeks represented the largest proportion of users in the study. The majority 66 percent were males between the ages of 24 and 28, and overwhelmingly worked in the digital industry in some context. The Casual User group made up the remaining 25 percent of the participant sample. They did not tend to create their own LOLCats, but shared and consumed pre—existing images that they received via email or saw on Facebook.

The casual users worked in a variety of industries and were evenly distributed by gender. One of the clear findings from the focus groups was that the form and structure of the LOLCat were not only distinct, but that the proper execution of the generic conventions were essential to its appeal. Participants repeatedly referred to font, text placement, image subject, syntax, animal characterization, and intertextuality as integral to the proper execution and full enjoyment of a LOLCat.

This gendering of creative and consumption practices happened repeatedly throughout the groups, particularly by the MemeGeeks who used it as a mechanism to distance themselves from the other participants. This manifests itself in two distinct ways. Incongruous humor, or the clash between expectation and experience Shifman and Blondheim, is a common format for macro humor Milner, b and this was borne out in the groups.

The second way genre materialized was more subtle, with the style of the genre itself acting as an integral part of the humor. Even if the content such as the image or joke contained within the LOLCat was humorous, participants explained that using the wrong font or diverging from stylistic expectations essentially ruined it for them.

There is a style, here. These findings echo the literature on genre and humor in other contexts Toms, ; Kuipers, : like a TV sitcom or a spoken joke, the established generic conventions of LOLCats are appreciated in and of themselves, as well as in their role as a framing device. The notion of the in—joke was raised repeatedly throughout the groups.

The in—jokiness of LOLCats was largely achieved through two textual features: Lolspeak and intertextual references. One of the most recognizable features of LOLCats, Lolspeak is a dialect Lefler, characterized by its childlike tone and incorrect grammar. The following example of Lolspeak is excerpted from an e—mail message I received in response to my solicitations for focus group participants:. However, the ways in which Lolspeak was used by the Cheezfrenz and the MemeGeeks differed, and constructed group identity and cohesion in different ways.

This use of Lolspeak was particularly clear during the focus group conducted with a cohort of coworkers whose jobs required deep understanding of the online cultural landscape.

Pass the joint meme

Aside from performing that particular identity, the use of Lolspeak as a slang provided an opportunity for the entire office to playfully establish similarity through shared humor Kuipers, ; Thorne, n. Those who are unable or unwilling to master the rules of Lolspeak are seen as less invested, even if they are active contributors to the community in other ways. Unlike the MemeGeeks who tended to use Lolspeak in a bantery way that had tinges of one—upmanship, the Cheezfrenz almost exclusively used it in an emotionally supportive and affectively positive manner.

Virtuosity in slang performance is not always appreciated by those for whom it is unfamiliar Kirshenblatt—Gimblett, in Apte, However, for those who do understand and enjoy Lolspeak, it can signal connection in a fragmented world. Intertextuality is a key element of meme and remix culture, especially as juxtaposition of incongruous texts is a key element of meme humor Shifman, ; Williams, Much like the connections between a network of users can help define a social group, intertextual links can help erect symbolic boundaries around a culture through a system of mutual referentiality.

For many participants, LOLCats were part of a fantasy world with a cast of recurring characters and plotlines, and one of the reasons the meme was so emotionally resonant for them was because their favorites would crop up time and again.

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This referred interchangeably to the early days of computer culture and the time before LOLCats migrated outside of their subcultural origins. This use and appreciation of multilayered referential humor has several functions. This all serves to reinforce the symbolic barriers of the communal walls: the more referential knowledge needed to get the joke, the higher the barriers to entry, and the more exclusive the group feels.

Jenkins, et al. The practice of responding with an image or animated GIF is relatively common on message boards and in blog comment sections, so engaging in that practice in an interpersonal context is, perhaps, a natural evolution.

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Participants reported using LOLCats to express a range of emotions — including caring, embarrassment, and frustration — in a variety of situations. Perhaps as a result of this, there are millions of images that humorously capture the ups and downs of the human condition. This involved posting LOLCats on social networking platforms as a method of indicating to certain friends and loved ones that they were in a particular emotional state.

Although some participants used LOLCats to engage in a sort of emotional steganography, much of the sharing and creating reported by the Cheezfrenz and Casual Users took place privately between very small groups of people or dyads that knew each other on a deeply interpersonal level: close friends and family members.

A few participants told stories about how a friend or family member had taken the time to identify the perfect LOLCat to send them in a particular situation or context. This seems to diverge from much of the existing literature which focuses on sharing and creation on public platforms and venues such as YouTube, Facebook, and blogs Bowman and Willis, ; Burgess, ; Shao, ; Leung, Part of this is related to the fact that there are few authorial markers on these sorts of images; furthermore, even if one were to claim ownership, there is little hope of proving it.

Fundamentally, people engaged with LOLCats for their own entertainment and to make meaningful connections with others, whether on a dyadic or a communal level. At first glance, the story of LOLCats seems to be a straightforward case of subcultural co—option. MemeGeeks distanced themselves from LOLCats because they took on meaning that contradicted the values of their community. The elements of LOLCats that made them so appealing on a widespread basis — particularly, the ability to use them as emotional conduits — are ultimately what lead to their rejection by the collectives that created them.

The Cheezfrend community is a source of great emotional support for its members Calka, and is governed with an ethos of gentleness and caring. As content passes through various communities, it is interpreted in new ways and takes on new connotations; these are usually specific to the needs and desires of that community, and quite often divorced from the original intent of the creator Jenkins, et al.

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In undertaking this research project, I sought to understand the underlying mechanisms of a strange — and strangely popular — Internet phenomenon. What I ultimately discovered is how seemingly trivial pieces of media — pictures of cats with captions — can act as meaningful conduits for intricate social relations. Wacker states that media are how we define ourselves and our relationships [ 46 ]; the outcome of this research, for better or worse, certainly validates that claim.

The contestations present in the case of LOLCats are not unique to this particular form. Conflicts over control and legitimacy are taking place in communities all over the Internet, and at their cores are entrenched disparities of power and voice. The cultural history of the Internet has roots in communities where participants were assumed to be white and male; perhaps not surprisingly, the attendant social dynamics were not particularly welcoming to or inclusive of women and people of color Kendall, ; Gere, ; Nakamura, Participatory culture has been heralded for subverting traditional power relations and giving voice to the people through new and unique means Rintel, In recent years, memes have been singled out as a powerful venue for political speech, particularly in totalitarian regimes where expressing oppositional sentiment carries harsh penalties Mina, ; Milner, a.

However, memes also have the power to co—opt and silence Steele, As Ryan Milner b points out, white masculinity is the constructed centrality in many participatory collectives, and as such, quite a few memes engage in problematic representations of women and people of color. This raises the key issue of what subjectivities are baked into these formats: how does that impact what we express and who chooses to participate in this way? When it comes to participatory culture, it may be true that almost anyone is allowed to speak; however, not everyone gets heard, and this has a clear impact on the shaping of cultural agendas.

If we accept that people create, share and spread memetic texts because the content is emotionally resonant for them on some level — that it connects to how they feel, or it allows them to express something — what voices get silenced because their affective sensibilities fall outside the boundaries set by dominant forces in our cultural collectives?

Sundowner’s Syndrome

Her current research examines trivialized forms of online popular culture and practice. You can find her on Twitter katemiltner and online at katemiltner. E—mail: miltner [at] usc [dot] edu.


  1. Instrument Jokes;
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Alison Powell, for their mentorship and comments on this work. Ceiling Cat is a popular image macro that depicts a cat peeking out of a hole in the ceiling. Participants were anonymized and are identified in text by their initials, user group, gender, and age. Anonymous is collective which originated from 4chan that is known for both its pranksterism and its political activism Coleman, Mahadev L.

Apte, Humor and laughter: An anthropological approach. Ithaca, N.

2. You know you have made a mistake when your haircut looks like the deer’s ass.

Christian Bauckhage, Nancy K. Baym, Michael S. Shayne Bowman and Chris Willis, We Media: How audiences are shaping the future of news and information. Reston, Va. James Boyle, Virginia Braun and Victoria Clarke, John Seely Brown and Paul Duguid, The social life of information. Boston: Harvard Business School Press.

Axel Bruns, Axel Bruns, Jean E. Burgess, Kate Crawford, and Frances Shaw, Jean E. Burgess, Video vortex reader: Responses to YouTube. Amsterdam: Institute of Network Cultures, pp. Michelle Calka, Black editor. Group communication: Cases for analysis, appreciation, and application.

BEST MEMES COMPILATION V48

Dubuque, Ia. Daniel Chandler, Gabriella Coleman, Nick Couldry, Contesting media power: Alternative media in a networked world. Lanham, Md.


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Entertainment Weekly , Brenna Erlich, Sarah Florini, George Gaskell, Bauer and George Gaskell editors. Qualitative researching with text, image, and sound: A practical handbook. London: SAGE. Marc Gelkopf and Shulamith Kreitler, Vanessa Grigoriadis, Martin Grondin, Leora Hadas, Ezster Hargittai and Gina Walejko, Philip N. Howard, Sheetal D.