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Economic growth in emerging East Asia will continue to moderate to % in in advanced economies, says the July issue of the Asia Economic Monitor. ADB forecasts aggregate GDP to rise a still robust % in and % in
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Another important distinction is between regional integration and cooperation. This difference reflects the divergence of the regionalism debate in the literature. While old regionalism was based on regional integration through state-led initiatives that focused on and influenced by the European experience, with the end of the Cold War new regionalism approaches that take into account the multiplicity of regional integration and cooperation and the importance of non-state actors came to the surface.

Currently, the field is strongly influenced by comparative regionalism studies that both build upon previous studies but also aim to transcend them by moving beyond their EU-centrism through considering the distinctiveness of different regions and their cooperation types and designs. To achieve this, comparative regionalism studies are both eclectic and inclusive in their approaches to regionalism Acharya , p. In this sense, the initiation of the concept of Indo-Pacific and the BRI are examples more of state-driven regional cooperation efforts without the existence of a formal regional organization.

Rescaling is composed of two types of transitions: institutional rescaling and functional rescaling. The former is about defining the scale of a region. In other words, institutional rescaling is important in determining who is included or excluded from the scope of a region and thus, in designating the distribution of power and the relations among the members Wilson Since regions are social constructs and contingent upon processes of affiliation, identification and recognition, the degree of institutionalisation is important for a newly proposed conception of a region to be successful Beeson Functional rescaling, on the other hand, is about the motivations and justifications of a regional project.

As the scale of a region changes, to accommodate with the new scale, forms and purpose of underlying governance practices also change Wilson The success of an institutionalisation process, either through the creation of social realities or of organizations, plays an important part in defining a region.

In the Asian context, regionalism through institution-building has been a rather challenging process when compared with other parts of the world, especially Europe. The ultimate aim of regionalism in Asia was not integration as in the case of Europe, but autonomy and cooperation.

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In other words, regional organizations in the region are examples of regional cooperation rather than integration. One of the reasons for this is the sensitivity of Asian nations, due to the history of colonialism, when it comes to renouncing their sovereignties to other institutional settings such as regional or international organizations. In such a case, the power distribution in the international and regional system has an important role to play for regional arrangements.

An effective regional leadership, especially, can have a significant impact on building effective regional institutions. However, both due to animosities and mistrust created by historical legacies such as the Japanese invasion, the US bilateral hub-and-spoke system and the Sino-Indian War as well as due to the high number of powerful countries, the region lacks an effective leadership.

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Today, the Asia-Indo-Pacific region has five strong countries, China, India, Japan, Russia and the US, that have the capacity and desire to lead regional cooperation efforts. While this situation complicates such efforts in the region, it also gives weaker states and institutions like ASEAN the chance to play an important role in mediating these powers Zhao , pp.

These characteristics of regional cooperation in Asia contribute to the fragmented regionalism and under-institutionalization in the region and the complexity of the competition among different visions and ideas of region building efforts of leading powers, including the BRI and IPP. President Xi is an ambitious leader aiming to rejuvenate his country as head of state until the middle of 21st century.

According to these goals, by , the centenary of the founding of the CPC, China will complete the building of a moderately prosperous society. As was clear from the messages delivered by Xi during the 19th National Congress of the CPC, 2 China under Xi has emerged as one of the major regional powers in Asia and aspires to become a global power.

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To reach this goal, Xi began changing the course of Chinese foreign policy in In line with this domestic orientation, under his presidency China continued the policy of remaining non-committal to requests for action and providing leadership Ferdinand , p. One other reason for this passivity in its relations with the outside world was the lack of a concrete and holistic foreign policy Breslin , p.

Almost as soon as he took office, Xi set about changing this fragmented and non-committal foreign policy of Hu by initiating a two-tiered approach. First was to reform decision-making structures by creating new institutions such as the National Security Commission of the CPC to coordinate domestic and foreign policymaking and by centralizing power in decision-making by positioning Xi at the centre of CPC Central Leading Groups related to domestic and foreign affairs Beeson b; Wang ; Zhang , pp. These two conferences were useful in providing a general view of the regional and international system and in setting an integrated strategy to regional and global issues.

In this context, the CPC determined a foreign policy strategy that focuses on four related areas of neighbourhood diplomacy, major-country relations, developing country relations and multilateral diplomacy FMPRC , para. Some features of this four-layered strategy are a continuation of previous era foreign policy strategies whereas some others are new. The importance of this change comes from the different approaches of these two strategies feature. While the former is oriented towards the economy, aims to stay non-committal to leadership demands in international issues and favours economic gains in relations with other countries, the latter is politically-oriented, open to undertaking responsibility by focusing on strategic relations rather than economic gains, especially in relations with neighbouring countries and favours political morality over profits Yan While the principal aim of the initiative is to achieve regional economic development by furthering trade and investment via increased connectivity, official documents and declarations of Chinese officials also point to the need and desire to maintain closer links among the peoples of a variety of countries with diverse cultures by creating the environment to learn and understand different civilizations, and this way to promote friendship and peace in the wider region NDRC ; Xi Thus, although it is a Chinese state-led initiative, the BRI aims to integrate Asia through the twin processes of regionalism and regionalisation, or state-led and non-state-led regionalisms that include mixed-actor coalitions of governments, market actors and other non-governmental players.

Even though these projects are not new and many others included predate the BRI, the importance of this initiative is its desire and ability to coordinate and combine all these projects under a holistic approach Summers , pp. The BRI is a political-economic project and thus is driven by economic, political and security motivations.

However, several security concerns are also important for understanding the BRI. China is dependent on imported energy, and uninterrupted energy flows are vital for the Chinese economy to function smoothly. This means energy security is a top priority for the CPC. China is wary of a possible blockade by these two powers in case of disagreements. Therefore, it follows a two-tiered strategy of constructing pipelines to bypass the Malacca Strait and diversify its energy supply by building-up ports and refuelling stations in the Indian Ocean Chung , p.

Through linking this region via pipelines, highways and economic zones to Central Asia, Beijing aims to modernize and develop the economy of Xinjiang and thus, decrease the tendency for ethnic separatism, religious extremism and terrorism Miller , Wang , p. A critical part of this ambitious and wide scope initiative with such economic, political and security aims is financial backing.

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An important feature of the BRI is its all-inclusive approach to membership. In other words, it is open to all countries and international and regional organizations that have the intention to become a part of this mega project NDRC ; Xi Therefore, it is fair to say that the Chinese attitude to Asian cooperation, at least in this case, is an example of inclusive regionalism.

However, despite its inclusiveness, the BRI aims to favour Chinese interests by positioning it at the centre or the starting point of Asian connectivity and cooperation in which all roads lead to Beijing. Furthermore, as all efforts of re defining a region, this initiative is also a political and socially constructive process that combines institutional and functional rescaling processes by proposing new ideas, institutions and policies to reshape the region. However, despite the great magnitude and ambition of the BRI, at the discourse level, till today neither Xi nor other Chinese officials proposed a new term to re-define the mainstream concept, Asia-Pacific.

Furthermore, China has no intention of embracing the Indo-Pacific definition and continues to prefer the established Asia-Pacific instead. First and foremost, China cannot overcome the perception that it poses a threat to some countries, especially in the Asia-Pacific region. Finally, some of the projects that are included in the BRI are in financially or even at times strategically risky areas that may end up as bad loans. To accomplish its objectives China needs to find solutions to these possible problems. The idea of FOIP, on the other hand, is first and foremost an attempt to redefine the region through a political process.


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Thus, as all politically oriented social constructions, this is not a neutral rescaling process where only the definition of the region is changed by enlarging the geographical scale. In other words, the Indo-Pacific idea encapsulates both institutional and functional rescaling processes. Some commentators and official documents of IPP governments base the need to redefine the region as the Indo-Pacific on economic grounds like the rising importance of the Indian Ocean sea lanes in the world trade and strengthening ties among the Pacific and Indian Ocean economies Medcalf , p.

However, as Wilson shows, economic motivations are not strong enough to support this rescaling. On the contrary, due to lack of a strong economic basis, this attempt carries the risk of undermining the sound economic connectivity of the Asia-Pacific by diminishing the existing spatial fit between regionalisation and regionalism.

Thus, rather than economic motivations, the primary reason for IPP is security, especially the need for preserving maritime security against a strengthening China Beeson , Wilson With the Pivot, in line with the rising importance of the Indian Ocean in the world political economy, the US expanded its focus from Northeast to Southeast and South Asia by strengthening security relations with its regional allies and partners and by improving bilateral and multilateral ties with regional actors.

With the new Trump administration, the US policy changed significantly from being the leader of multilateralism to a more inward looking nationalistic strategy. This shift inherently included a changing policy towards China.

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His foreign policy vision can be clearly seen both from the NSS and NDS documents as well as from his threats and actions for a trade war with China and even with US allies. Development Asia: Dealing with Disasters. This edition of Development Asia looks at the state of disaster preparedness in the region, the economics of risk mitigation and the politics of disaster relief, and proactive strategies and innovative solutions. RSS Feeds. Asian Development Outlook Developing Asia on Firm Rebound but Must Tackle Inflation Developing Asia will continue to expand solidly over the next two years, even as inflation, geopolitical uncertainties, and the need to develop new sources of growth present looming challenges to policy makers.

More Feature Stories. Development Asia: Dealing with Disasters This edition of Development Asia looks at the state of disaster preparedness in the region, the economics of risk mitigation and the politics of disaster relief, and proactive strategies and innovative solutions. More ADB Publications.