Using the literature on black politics as an analytical springboard, Black and Multiracial Politics in America brings together a broad demography of scholars from.
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This approach led to the estimate that multiracial adults currently make up 6. The relatively small share of all U.
Multiracial Americans - Wikipedia
If current trends continue—and evidence suggests they may accelerate—the Census Bureau projects that the multiracial population will triple by Feeding this growth is the increase in mixed-race couples and, as a natural consequence, births of children who have a multiracial background.
For example, since the share of marriages between spouses of different races has increased almost fourfold from 1. The share of multiracial children is growing at an even faster rate. As the multiracial population in the U. Multiracial identity is complicated, as much an attitude that can change over a lifetime as it is a genetic or biological certainty.
Individuals were allowed to select multiple reasons. A quarter of biracial adults with a white and American Indian background say they consider themselves multiracial. For some mixed-race Americans, the pressure to identify as a single race is a significant part of the multiracial experience. A similar share says they have attempted to look or behave a certain way in order to influence the way others perceive their race.
The way racial identity is classified in the U. The decennial census and other Census Bureau surveys now categorize people into the following racial groups: Since , respondents have had the option to choose more than one race.
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People who mark two or more races in their answer to the race question are included in the multiple-race population by the Census Bureau. Although respondents are also asked, in a separate question, about their Hispanic or Latino origin, only answers to the race question are used in classifying people into the multiple-race population. Our defined multiracial group includes people who indicate that they, their parents or their grandparents are of Hispanic or Latino origin, as long as they also select two or more census races. In addition to looking at the broader group of multiracial adults, we analyze subsets of this group.
For example, we look at the following biracial groups: At times, we may also look at all multiracial adults with a black or Asian background, for example, regardless of what other races are included in their background, and compare them to single-race blacks or Asians, respectively. These biracial and multiracial subgroups, as well as the single-race groups, exclude Hispanics. In our survey, for example, roughly two-thirds of Hispanics say being Hispanic is part of their racial background. With that in mind, a separate part of our analysis includes an expanded definition of multiracial that includes Hispanics who report one census race for themselves, their parents and their grandparents and also say they consider being Hispanic part of their racial background.
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Chapter 7 of this report focuses on the experiences and attitudes of multiracial Hispanics, using both the census-based and the expanded definitions. For a more detailed description of our methodology, see Appendix A. While these views are broadly shared by each of the five biggest multiracial groups, the large proportion of white and Asian biracial adults who see their racial background as an advantage stands out.
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In the other four groups, only about one-in-four or fewer say their racial heritage has been as helpful. This contrast further sharpens when white and Asian biracial Americans are compared with single-race whites and Asians. Mixed-race adults often straddle two or more worlds, and their experiences and relationships reflect that. For biracial adults who are white or black and American Indian, their connections with the white or black community are often stronger than the ones they feel toward Native Americans; about one-in-four or fewer in each group say they have a lot in common with American Indians.
Other survey findings suggest these differences may slow the development of a multiracial group identity similar to the sense of linked fate and shared experience that unites many blacks and other minority groups.
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As a group, mixed-race adults are much more likely than all married adults to have a spouse or partner who is also multiracial, the survey finds. Mixed-race adults are more likely than the general public to have friends who are multiracial. Overall, the politics of multiracial Americans resemble the country as a whole.
But just as the country is a mix of individuals and groups with different party preferences and ideological leanings, multiracial Americans are likewise politically diverse. Multiracial Americans with a black background favor the Democratic Party, similar to the party preferences of single-race blacks. The sample of single-race Native Americans was too small to analyze. Using the literature on black politics as an analytical springboard, Black and Multiracial Politics in America brings together a broad demography of scholars from various racial and ethnic groups to assess how urban political institutions, political coalitions, group identity, media portrayal of minorities, racial consciousness, support for affirmative action policy, political behavior, partisanship, and other crucial issues are impacted by America's multiracial landscape.
Contributors include Dianne Pinderhughes, M. The essays included here should find acceptance among a broad audience of scholars and laypersons alike. Persons, editor of National Political Science Review. This volume contributes to theoretical understanding by using the black-white paradigm as a point of departure to study issues of identity, political incorporation and inter-ethnic conflict and cooperation. New York University Press is proud to make many of our titles available in eBook editions.
To what extent will these racial and ethnic shifts affect the already tenuous nature of racial politics in American society? Using the literature on black politics as an analytical springboard, Black and Multiracial Politics in America brings together a broad demography of scholars from various racial and ethnic groups to assess how urban political institutions, political coalitions, group identity, media portrayal of minorities, racial consciousness, support for affirmative action policy, political behavior, partisanship, and other crucial issues are impacted by America's multiracial landscape.
Contributors include Dianne Pinderhughes, M. Project MUSE promotes the creation and dissemination of essential humanities and social science resources through collaboration with libraries, publishers, and scholars worldwide.
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