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Table of contents

In the ESR model of sensemaking, language and narration has been described as central for how people make sense Weick In enactment and selection, verbal and written language is a central mean by which the social world is structured and temporally stabilized.

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In formulating storylines, courses of events are given temporality and culturally saturated meanings for both the speaker and for others as certain interpretations are selected over others Maclean et al. In this regard, narration can be conceptualized as an activity that allows individuals to share experiences with others and make inferences about experiences, unfolding events and uncertain situations.

In addition to being essential to enactment and selection, narratives can also be said to fill a retaining function, as accounts of events also transmit cultural meaning in a proactive way Brown et al. Through the production of narratives, sensemaking theory posits that individuals frame experiences in terms of plausible explanations Maitlis and Christianson As such, stories are often described as the material result of sensemaking, as individuals produce accounts of equivocal situations and represent phenomena in the social world.

Rather, narrative sensemaking is based on the notion of plausibility rather than accuracy.

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Because storytelling retains knowledge, stories also function as triggers for future sensemaking processes. This means that individuals draw on discourse and previously established meaning in productive ways to make sense of new events Maitlis and Christianson Storytelling practice is thus the empirical phenomenon under examination, whilst an ESR framework of narrative sensemaking is the lens by which this phenomenon is studied. The background to the study reported here is an ongoing ethnographic research project targeting Swedish police training Rantatalo and Karp With this as a starting point, field work narrowed in on settings that illuminate student storytelling within the context of police education.

In the vocabulary of Hammersley and Atkinson p. Work placements in the police training literature, referred to as field observations, cf. Chan in Swedish police education are regularly conducted during the second and third terms of education. At placements, students work regular shifts with senior police officers on active duty. Thereby, the students are exposed to the everyday issues and experiences policing entails.

After completing placements, students are scheduled for follow-up sessions conducted at the academy as an opportunity to discuss work-based experiences relatively freely and open-endedly with each other in small groups and with a police instructor present as a facilitator. These sessions showcase many similarities with police debriefings. The primary data source in the study is descriptions of sessions recorded through observation field notes and observation protocols. The field notes focused on openly describing the practices of storytelling and on capturing the features and elements of stories that were shared by students e.

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Initially, the idea was to collect and arrange individual stories of policing in relation to each other. However, initial observations indicated that storytelling was a practice characterised by plurivocity and that a manual separation of stories into separate entities would reduce interpretability and be less receptive towards the enactment dimension of storytelling sessions. The field notes thus focused on describing stories as they were told in an intertwined manner, with features such as overlaps, questions, and interruptions noted as they occurred.

Storytelling practices and story content regularly alternated, and field notes could thus shift between describing stories and describing how stories were enacted. Short informal field interviews with instructors and students were conducted in connection with all observations. With rooting in an ongoing ethnographic project, the authors had prior understandings of the context under study and had previously established entry-level access and social access i.

Field interviews were conducted on-site directly before or after follow-up sessions for example, during breaks and lunch and revolved around evolving themes pertaining to the observed sessions or questions raised by the observer regarding interpretations of sessions. In this way, the field interviews partly served the purpose of respondent validation of observer interpretations Lincoln and Guba This protocol was designed to register descriptive data of the observation date, location, number of participants as well as structural, pedagogical and social dimensions of the observation.

Structural indicators focused on assessing aspects related to the time and space of the observation, such as time frames and spatial arrangements. Pedagogical indicators were directed at assessing how sessions were organized to promote learning. Finally, social indications focused on how subjects interacted in terms of, for example, critical opinion sharing or collective learning-centred discussions. The observers made short notes in relation to each indicator in order to construct an overview of the observed session and to assess and compare observations with each other. Following recommendations from Miles et al.

In the specific case, sensemaking entailed such a framework, with the concepts enactment, selection and retention directing the data analysis. Examples could be how turn-taking was enacted or what role probing questions had in these sessions.


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In other words, this cycle of analysis was centred on the social practice of storytelling and how it provided a framework for the sharing of work-based experiences. Second, the internal structure of stories was analysed as an indication of how selection was made from experience. To practically analyse the selection step of sensemaking, we conducted cycles of first and second order coding Miles et al.

First, we coded the textual narratives that were collected through observations based on what these were about. More specifically, we coded what occupational domains contexts, times, spaces, spatial boundaries , subjects and social relations the stories described. After coding narratives individually what we term first order , these were categorized and assessed in relation to each other second order in order to identify common patterns. Indication of how storytelling unfolds in practice.

Although the enactment, selection and retention processes are depicted as separate in the model described in Table 1 , it should be noted that this separation of enactment selection and retention is for analytical purposes. Based on the three-step analysis described above, we now describe how the activities of telling and retelling of stories function as a practice of sensemaking in which police students articulate their first occupational experiences.

Findings are presented in the following three sections, which outline storytelling practices , selection of stories and how knowledge retention was achieved through storytelling. Themes within the empirical material are presented in overview as well as in detail through exemplifying field note extracts. The students frequently expressed that the follow-up sessions were important and that they appreciated the educational events. The storytelling within these sessions was often of a collective nature, prompted by questions from the facilitator and by peers. The sessions were open-ended, characterized by improvisation and were more disorganized than initially expected.

Stories about occupational realities were often not in finished form when they were first voiced. Narratives were often structured by an external criterion such as time describing day-to-day experiences , theme e. The primary strategy for storytelling during the sessions was characterized by ongoing composition by the storytellers, which was regularly supported and facilitated by peers and by the instructor who often triggered stories through probing questions.

These questions were important in the light of a common and somewhat paradoxical occurrence, which was that students often began their stories by assuring peers and the instructor that they did not have anything to tell, a statement that often was followed by quite severe, serious or sometimes incredible accounts of occupational police practice.

One example from the field notes that highlights the importance of triggering questions for the facilitation of storytelling was when a female student D was summarizing her field experiences when prompted to do so by the instructor I. D seems to have some trouble knowing where to begin. She says that she spent some time on patrol, that she followed investigators around for a few days and did a little bit of everything such as reporting and interrogations.

In response, D starts recounting an upsetting episode that she says she thought a lot about afterwards. It was about a disturbance in a nightclub where a guest had been severely beaten up by bouncers who covered for each other in their stories. D says that there were two witnesses at the scene who had seen the doormen beating and kicking the man and throwing him from a loading bay.

The patrol took reports and called for an ambulance. D says that she was glad that they had witnesses, as this should make it a clear-cut case. Upon recounting this, D elicits recognition and frustration in the room. Several others fill in and describe similar experiences of injustice, such as bouncers who had been pointed out by patrol officers as infamous for being involved in beatings.

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The discussion starts to revolve around the paradoxical fact that in the story, the bouncers were the ones calling upon police as victims of violence, and in that capacity, they were plaintiffs. This episode was recounted by a student who initially had a hard time sorting out her impressions and selecting what to address in the session, especially she had a hard time sorting out what happened on which day.

However, after some coaxing from others in the room especially the instructor I. N , she recounted a serious and stressful account that brought recognition and sparked dialogue amongst her peers. The episode represents several defining aspects of how retrospective storytelling arranged the meaning of occupational experiences.

First, the story exemplifies a constructed narrative that moves from a generic description of work placement and night shift work to a vivid example of injustice and power abuse. In the example, the instructor played a role as a dialogic counterpart to the student and as the one who initially gave the word to her and, as such, sparked the conversation, however, the instructor also held back after D started talking, giving her space to elaborate on her story. In this regard, three aspects stood out.

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When selecting subjects and social relations from experience, students tended to discuss colleagues good guys and criminals bad guys. Furthermore, when contextualizing stories, a common tendency was to focus upon extreme situations , and when discussing policing, stories that reinforced notions of policing as actionable occurred frequently. These aspects are detailed below. Regarding subjects and social relations, normative narratives about colleagues within the police community were the most common theme.

These stories tended to depict heroic and desirable behaviours of colleagues or, conversely, less-desirable behaviours.