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Like the internal communications of any spy service, some of the reports contain raw intelligence whose accuracy is questionable, while others appear to represent the views of intelligence officers and sources with their own agendas. Some of the cables show bumbling and comical ineptitude, like one that describes the Iranian spies who broke into a German cultural institute in Iraq only to find they had the wrong codes and could not unlock the safes.

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Other officers were browbeaten by their superiors in Tehran for laziness, and for sending back to headquarters reports that relied only on news accounts. But by and large, the intelligence ministry operatives portrayed in the documents appear patient, professional and pragmatic. Their main tasks are to keep Iraq from falling apart; from breeding Sunni militants on the Iranian border; from descending into sectarian warfare that might make Shia Muslims the targets of violence; and from spinning off an independent Kurdistan that would threaten regional stability and Iranian territorial integrity.


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The Revolutionary Guards and General Suleimani have also worked to eradicate the Islamic State, but with a greater focus on maintaining Iraq as a client state of Iran and making sure that political factions loyal to Tehran remain in power. This portrait is all the more striking at a time of heightened tensions between the United States and Iran.

Since , when President Trump pulled out of the Iran nuclear deal and reimposed sanctions, the White House has rushed ships to the Persian Gulf and reviewed military plans for war with Iran.

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In October, the Trump administration promised to send American troops to Saudi Arabia following attacks on oil facilities there for which Iran was widely blamed. With a shared faith and tribal affiliations that span a porous border, Iran has long been a major presence in Southern Iraq. It supports some of the most powerful political parties in the south, dispatches Iranian students to study in Iraqi seminaries and sends Iranian construction workers to build Iraqi hotels and refurbish Iraqi shrines.

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But while Iran may have bested the United States in the contest for influence in Baghdad, it has struggled to win popular support in the Iraqi south. Now, as the last six weeks of protests make clear, it is facing unexpectedly strong pushback.


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  • Across the south, Iranian-backed Iraqi political parties are seeing their headquarters burned and their leading operatives assassinated, an indication that Iran may have underestimated the Iraqi desire for independence not just from the United States but also from its neighbor. In a sense, the leaked Iranian cables provide a final accounting of the United States invasion of Iraq.

    The notion that the Americans handed control of Iraq to Iran when they invaded now enjoys broad support, even within the United States military. The early years following the fall of Saddam were chaotic, both in terms of security and in the lack of basic services like water and electricity. To most observers on the ground, it appeared as if the United States was shaping policy on the go, and in the dark. This process, known as de-Baathification, automatically marginalized most Sunni men.

    Unemployed and resentful, they formed a violent insurgency targeting Americans and Shias seen as United States allies.

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    As sectarian warfare between Sunnis and Shias raged, the Shia population looked to Iran as a protector. According to the intelligence ministry documents, Iran has continued to take advantage of the opportunities the United States has afforded it in Iraq. Iran, for example, reaped an intelligence windfall of American secrets as the United States presence began to recede after its troop withdrawal.

    The C. Short of money, many began to offer their services to Tehran. And they were happy to tell the Iranians everything they knew about C. In November , one of them, an Iraqi who had spied for the C. Turning to Iran for protection, he said that everything he knew about American intelligence gathering in Iraq was for sale: the locations of C. Source told the Iranian operatives he had worked for the agency for 18 months starting in , on a program targeting Al Qaeda. But swearing on the Quran, he promised that his days of spying for the United States were over, and agreed to write a full report for the Iranians on everything he knew from his time with the C.

    Iranian spies, Iraqi officials say, are everywhere in the south, and the region has long been a beehive of espionage. It was there, in Karbala in late , that an Iraqi military intelligence officer, down from Baghdad, met with an Iranian intelligence official and offered to spy for Iran — and to tell the Iranians whatever he could about American activities in Iraq. In a meeting that lasted more than three hours, the Iraqi told of his devotion to the Iranian system of government, in which clerics rule directly, and his admiration for Iranian movies.

    He said he had come with a message from his boss in Baghdad, Lt. Whatever you need is at their disposal. We are Shiite and have a common enemy. And there was more, he said.


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    • In an interview, General al-Maksusi, disputed saying the things attributed to him in the cables and denied ever working for Iran. He praised Iran for its help in the fight against the Islamic State, but said he had also maintained a close relationship with the United States. By late , the United States was once again pouring weapons and soldiers into Iraq as it began battling the Islamic State.

      Iran, too, had an interest in defeating the militants. As ISIS took control of the west and the north, young Iraqi men traveled across the deserts and marshes of the south by the busload, heading to Iran for military training. Some within the American and Iranian governments believed the two rivals should coordinate their efforts against a common enemy. The rise of ISIS was at the same time driving a wedge between the Obama administration and a large swath of the Iraqi political class. Obama had pushed for the ouster of Prime Minister Nuri Kamal al-Maliki as a condition for renewed American military support.

      He believed Mr. His replacement, the British-educated Haider al-Abadi, was seen as more friendly to the West and less sectarian. As the meeting progressed, it became clear the Iranians had little cause to worry about the new Iraqi government. One by one, Mr. Danaiefar went down the list of cabinet members, describing their relationships to Iran.

      Ibrahim al-Jafari — who had previously served as Iraqi prime minister and by late was the foreign minister — was, like Mr. In an interview, Mr. A report from monitored just 24 online cacti sellers for 1, purchases. These were not just any 1, cacti. To trade any of these, a seller needs a permit. Of the 1, cacti researchers monitored, the report found at least 90 percent had traded hands illegally.

      There are plenty of laws that protect cacti, but not much enforcement. Some cacti thieves will pull a plant from the wild because, like with tiger bones or rhino horns, someone will pay a lot of money for it. But cacti are also besieged by those who profess to love the spiny plants—the private hobbyists and horticulturalists who collect and show cacti like paintings or purebred dogs.

      Safronov is in his early 60s. He has collected cacti half his life. In his last U. He is shirtless in a safari vest, and his golden cross necklace hangs forward and glints in the sun against his dark chest hair. He smiles, and his hands gently cradle the small cactus, as if it were his own infant child. To collect cacti is to care for them. So part of the obsession becomes developing a skill to measure against others based on the size of your collection, the variety of your species, and an obsessive attention to detail.

      But how do you get your greenhouse, or even your palm-shaded southern California backyard, to mimic the degree diurnal swings of a hot desert day and a cold desert night? It takes a lot of tinkering, and unlike a fussy orchid, the hardiness and slow growth of cacti make it difficult to judge success.

      Above ground, a slow-to-react cactus may appear green and chipper. The other draw to cacti comes from the almost spiritual affinity people feel for the deserts where they grow. Take Steven Brack, a New Mexico man whose collection has become a global mecca for cactus hobbyists.

      In the s, Brack read a book on cacti at his local Wisconsin library.

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      At years-old he ordered seeds from a specialty magazine. Three years later, Brack read a cactus travelogue in the same magazine, written by an Englishman. In the desert Brack would park alongside a country road and walk until nightfall, make camp, then hike again in hopes of glimpsing wild and rare cacti in a landscape where few others had ever stood. You could live for a thousand years and you could never explore it all. The romantic idea of a raw, young American West has no better symbol than the saguaro cactus. The saguaro is almost exclusively indigenous to southern Arizona and the Sonoran state of Mexico, where it grows plentifully.

      Saguaros can reach 30 feet tall, but they do so at an absurdly slow rate. In the first decade of life, a saguaro tops out at an inch.

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      It takes 75 years to sprout its famous arms. The most desirable species of cacti, at least for serious collectors, are often the most deceptively ugly. Ariocarpus fissuratus , or the living rock cactus, is a greenish-gray blob less than 10 centimeters high. It looks like a cow ate, then shit a bunch of rocks on the ground. Cacti need to attract pollinators, so they grow flowers, and some of the uglier species of cacti grow especially beautiful flowers.

      Come the end of summer and early fall, the living rock cactus puts out a flower colored a soft angelic pink. Likewise for echinopsis pampana. But when it flowers its petals glow yellow at the center and turn vermillion at the edges, giving it an endless, smoldering depth.