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The Terrible Confession of Former Mobster Robert Yugovich. THE PRICE OF HONESTY THE PRICE OF HONESTY The Terrible Confession of Former Mobster.
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Cavallo attempted to avoid a bond default by offering bondholders a swap, whereby longer-term, higher-interest bonds would be exchanged for bonds coming due in Several senators were also indicted on charges of accepting the bribes. Governor Kirchner transferred the funds to Credit Suisse and other foreign banks in Kirchner became president in , and pledged to repatriate the funds.

Amid delays, a civil suit was filed against Kirchner in ; but it was dismissed in by the judge, who was Kirchner's nephew-in-law. The incident led to a scandal and what Bloomberg News called "an international imbroglio," with the U. In , Federal Judge Guillermo Montenegro was leading an investigation into bribes allegedly paid by Swedish firm Skanska to former government officials working on a gas pipeline project, and Carlos Stornelli was serving as prosecutor on the case, when both men received job offers that were viewed as motivated by a government attempt to stall the investigation.

If both men accepted the offers, the result would be a year-long halt in the investigation and prosecution of the Skansa case. An April cable later made public by Wikileaks noted that the U. Eduardo Mondino, who had told him about "a case he is investigating involving possible corruption related to commissions being charged on government contractual transactions, the proceeds of which are being deposited in a U. Army Chief of Staff Roberto Bendini resigned in September in the wake of an Appeals Court's decision to proceed with charges against him for "peculado," or the improper diversion of funds.

Bendini was described as having operated a "parallel" bank account into which he diverted large sums of government money. One of the Wikileaks cables mentions an investigation of members of the Kirchner administration and its business allies in Santa Cruz province. As of March , the investigation into this case was being directed by prosecutor Natalia Mercado, the Kirchners' niece. In a article entitled "Corruption in Argentina", The Economist noted that Shared Dreams, the "social-work arm" of the respected Association of Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo , had become mired in corruption.

The concern was that the laws, dealing with municipal government contracts, would reduce transparency and eliminate control mechanisms, thus promoting corruption. Members of Congress tried unsuccessfully to impeach Boudou. In September , a Federal Court permitted Boudou to file for a dismissal of charges. Despite the scandal, the Central Bank of Argentina commissioned Ciccone in March to print banknotes. Furthermore, Lanata revealed that a vault holding cash and sensitive documents was emptied and refitted as a wine cellar.

One of the workers who took part in the conversion of the vault into a wine cellar took photos to protect himself, fearing he was involved in an illegal activity. Initially, more viewers watched Lanata's show than the soccer matches. Carlos Zannini , the Executive Legal Advisor for the Kirchner administration, was accused in of several charges, including embezzlement of public funds, money laundering, and corruption.

From to his personal wealth was reported to have increased by nearly thirty-eightfold in pesos. A complaint was filed to this effect with Judge Norberto Oyarbide; the case was suspended for a time and only recently was the complaint further pursued. It has been reported that members of Kirchner's administration and of the government have stalled the case and interfered in many ways. For instance, when Oyarbide ordered an investigative raid on Zannini's property to attain evidence, Carlos Liuzzi, a presidential secretary and subordinate of Zannini's, reportedly called him and ordered him to cancel the raid and offered him a bribe.

Cabinet Chief Jorge Capitanich was asked to comment on the accusation, although no clear answers have been given. In Mauricio Macri is ending [ speculation?

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The newspaper also attributed deficiencies in public access to housing and health care to various forms of corruption, ranging from outright embezzlement to the placement of medical aircraft at the service of officials instead of patients. There were 25 public cases in in which former and current government officials were accused of illicit enrichment.

Such corruption, stated Lindsey, is common elsewhere in Argentina. In Formosa Province , Argentina's poorest, roughly half of the workforce is on the government's payroll but many only show up to work once a month. Such corruption, according to Lindsey, contributed to Argentina's financial crisis. He noted that while many blame the free market for Argentina's woes, it is rather the control economics in place that have caused such problems. Since its inception, the SI was responsible for spying on politicians, journalists, intellectuals and trade unionists; gathering information that even today remains "classified".

As both the Cold War and leftist political violence intensified in the early s, however, the SIDE would acquire a prominent role in the persecution, murder, and disappearance of thousands of people during Argentina's Dirty War in the mid s. The CIA contributed to this policy with intelligence training and technical assistance, including arson techniques for "clean" fires whose origin was made difficult to detect. SIDE operated the Automotores Orletti detention facility in Buenos Aires in which around people were killed, with the victims' property distributed among the torturers.

The most serious case of intelligence agency wrongdoing involved banker Osvaldo Sivak. Sivak had been kidnapped for ransom by Battalion agents in , and again in ; his buried corpse was found two years later. Many, however, were convicted in the decade after the repeal of amnesty in to prison terms ranging from 6 to 25 years for criminal conspiracy.

Another linchpin of official corruption in Argentina is the lack of public access to government information. There is a decree that provides for such access, but it applies only to executive entities and companies that receive state funds. Transparency International has called for a federal law that would increase transparency and accountability. Numerous large bank fraud and asset stripping cases have taken place in Argentina since banking deregulation was enacted by the last dictatorship in , most of which led to the insolvency of the banks involved; some were resolved by the Central Bank, but at considerable cost to public coffers.

Another major category of corruption has been money laundering. In a March cable, the U. Embassy in Buenos Aires reported on the controversy over Argentina's new tax amnesty law and allegations by opposition politicians that it facilitates money laundering. The seriousness of the issue was again highlighted, however, by a February fire at a southside Buenos Aires corporate records warehouse owned by U.

Tax evasion has long saddled Argentina's public finances, shifting the burden to the middle and working classes by way of high value-added taxes which are easier to collect. Improvements in enforcement since the s have abated the problem from its peak in the s, when fully half of all tax liabilities and most income taxes were evaded.

During his testimony, he described how he helped clients move funds to offshore accounts mainly in Switzerland , using private banking offices and legal loopholes. The administration alleged that the sale of Papel Prensa by the family of the late David Graiver in was done so by illicit means and in collusion with the dictatorship.

The government presented a report in claiming that during the Dirty War , while being coerced, the Graivers were forced to sell the newsprint maker at a bargain price. Ambassador Anthony Wayne that pharmaceutical corruption was one of many major problems afflicting the country's health-care system. A report by the U. State Department indicates that the Argentine Government does not actively produce or encourage the production of narcotics.

Nevertheless, "several security force members, including high-ranking officers," were accused in of cocaine and marijuana trafficking on a grand scale or protecting trafficking schemes. According to one source, the epicenter of the country's drug trade is the city of Rosario.

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Another area in which there is extensive corruption in Argentina is political financing. There is an insufficient degree of transparency and accountability, and although recently passed legislation forbids donations by companies to political campaigns, there are ways for businesses to skirt the law and cover non-campaign expenses by politicians and parties. Incumbents also enjoy a decided advantage. Campaign finance corruption may originate abroad, as well. Argentine courts "are slow, inefficient, and vulnerable to corruption and executive branch influence," according to a Heritage Foundation report.

Another major problem is that the judicial system is plagued by inefficiency, delays, and insufficient administrative support. The Centre for the Study and Prevention of Economic Crimes has noted that corruption cases in Argentina take an average of 14 years to be resolved. Out of cases tried during a certain period, only 15 resulted in convictions.

In November , the Court of Criminal Appeals canceled the prosecution of 25 individuals who had been government ministers and high officials under Menem and who had been accused of accepting inappropriate bonuses. The prosecution was canceled on the grounds that the defendants' right of due process had been violated.

The case was remanded to a lower court. Thousands of Argentines held a street protest against their government in Buenos Aires in November , waving signs that read: "Stop the wave of Argentines killed by crime, enough with corruption and say no to constitutional reform. The vast majority of the crimes are never solved, while the death toll is rising.

Nationwide demonstrations on April 18, , focused largely on corruption and "the sense of official impunity. In , Wikileaks cables revealed that diplomats from the United States, Germany , Spain, and Finland had grown concerned about the increasing levels of corruption.

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A great number of the Wikileaks cables indicate that the U. Embassy in Argentina has been actively involved in anti-corruption efforts on the part of Argentinian officials and others in Argentina. The principal government entities whose role is to fight official corruption are the Auditor General 's Office and the Anti-Corruption Office. There are similar entities in each province and in the Buenos Aires municipal government. Transparency International has complained that such agencies as the Anti-Corruption Office, the Auditor General's Office, and the General Comptrollers Office "need a more robust mandate to hold public officials to account" and should "be independent and more proactive in corruption investigations.

Leaked Wikileaks cables revealed that in , Dr. Abel Fleitas Ortiz de Rozas, then head of Argentina's Office of Anticorruption, told the US ambassador of the challenges Argentina faces in combatting corruption, among them a perceived tolerance of corruption, no transparency, and an ineffective legal system.

A May report noted that Argentina's lead District Attorney of the National Prosecutor's Office for Administrative Investigations, Manuel Garrido , initiated more than a hundred investigations, but during a more than five-year period obtained no convictions. After his March resignation, Garrido was replaced by Julio Vitobello, a close friend to the Kirchners known for arranging soccer matches at their residence. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.