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Well argued and balanced, Leichtova provides an alternative and more constructive understanding of what drives Russian foreign policy. The book is based on the concepts of constructivism and orientalism in international relations to analyse the.
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Orphus system

A Russian law on strategic sectors also affects negatively the possibility of foreign investment in production and infrastructure in Russia President of the Russian Federation, Given the close ties between the EU and Russia in the energy sector, Brussels is strategically interested in improving trade conditions for energy. This includes guarantees of supplies from Gazprom volumes , operational infrastructures, principles of transparency, reciprocal access to markets, diversification and energy efficiency European Commission, Reciprocal need is one of the recurring motto in the Russian arguments, namely in the energy dialogue.


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It refers not only to equal access but also to exploitation deals. Energy has also been highlighted since because Russia seeks to recoup the income from energy production and distribution, which was partly managed by foreign companies Putin, The pipeline routes intersect the political dependencies: the EU wants as much as Russia more autonomy in relation to the transit countries.

Gazprom needs to rely on other sources of supply in order to fulfil the contracts with its final consumers mainly in terms of volume of gas. On its side, the EU is exploring ways of changing this situation by dealing directly with the Central Asian Republics. Both parties have preferred, then, to explore alternatives in friendly countries diversification and bilateral agreements of member states with Moscow have been undermining the prospects for a coherent and integrated energy policy at the EU level.

The aim is to create direct connections with the final consumers in Western Europe and, as a consequence, avoiding the transit countries in Central Europe Mongrenier, The Union pursues the goal of a market-ruled and transparent energy sector, whereas Russia seeks to protect a strategic sector for the development of the Federation.

To face this situation, the EU needs both to find alternative suppliers but also alternative pipeline routes that bypass Russian territory, besides the need to agree on a common policy. Russian perceptions of its geopolitical relevance are challenged, both in the nuclear and conventional fields, by anti-missile systems projects and by the revised CFE. Concerning energetic assets, gas has also been an instrument to foster Russian power position.

In this section, we explore further the evolution of the increasingly difficult security relations of European countries and regional organisations with Moscow, taking into account the principled foundations of these relations. We explore in particular the normative bases of cooperation that have emerged in multilateral fora the EU, the Council of Europe and the OSCE and the existing divergences despite declared common values and principles.

Further reading

Concerning the participation of Russia in multilateral institutions, Rowe and Torjesen present a useful analysis of several case-studies. This study highlights a clear dividing line in Russian stances towards the post-soviet space as compared to other issues, supporting thus our intent to analyse more specifically multilateral relations affecting the European security architecture. The literature of the beginning of the s underlined the specificity of multilateralism but also the difficulty in defining it in a unique manner meaning and concrete form. Multilateralism is an institution but it can refer to an organisation or an activity Caporaso, Considering that multilateralism is a form of producing common norms, this section aims at analysing how multilateral relations affect political convergence between Russia and third parties.

Foreign Policy: What the West gets wrong about Russia's intentions in Ukraine

This characteristic is based on two core elements. Firstly, the external policy of the Union endorses values and principles that are deposited, namely, in the Charter of the United Nations. The goal of the EU is to improve global governance and support, on the one hand, the UN system and, on the other hand, the EU values European Commission, a.

The Union recognises the importance of multilateralism for its policies that have external dimensions in other documents, such as the European Security Strategy European Council, Secondly, we argue that the EU is itself a unique international organisation whose relations with Russia cannot be considered simply as bilateral relations as it is for instance the case of relations between two states. The EU pursues a regional process of integration since that has no precedent in history. Today, the Union has no foreign policy as such, in the sense that it is a sui generis global actor Cameron, In fact, there are areas of community competence and others depend on intergovernmental decision-making, whereas others remain national a prerogative, outside European decision-making.

This is a complex framework which involves several EU institutions the Commission, the Council, the Presidency, the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy , member states and other international organisations. One of the most visible strains in this relationship is the sharing of common values and principles, which are supposed to be the basis of the partnership.

They are the following and they apply to the European Neighbourhood Policy ENP , initialled in , 19 as well : the rule of law; good governance; the respect for human rights, including minority rights; the promotion of good neighbourly relations; the principles of market economy and sustainable development European Commission, b. We will not discuss here the feasibility of such a normative commitment for the EU as a global actor and the various understandings of the concept.

Contrarily, the use of conditionality to link the relation to values observance and the insistence on normative convergence has been producing increasingly a negative impact on the Union because Russia has been reacting negatively Makarychev, As a result, this relationship has reached a paradoxical stage. On the one hand, the methodology and the domains of cooperation have reached a high degree of achievements. On the other hand, the political quality of the relation has deteriorated and it has been unable to achieve a real strategic partnership, as the handling of Georgian and Ukrainian crisis has demonstrated.

The EU has also never withdrawn from the vision that Russia is a partner, despite the existing normative gap. Even in the peaks of crisis in the relation, president Putin has been received by the EU as a special guest for instance, during the Lahti informal Summit, in October under Finnish Presidency. The EU has created a specific dialogue on Human Rights with Russia, since March , but the consultations never took place in Russia and it looks more as an additional, repetitive and somewhat empty institutional mechanism.

Until the mids, there has been some wishful thinking on the European side that these talks could lately produce the desired effect on Russian transformation. On the contrary, Russia views the ENP as an interference in its near abroad. This used to be less problematic than the engagement of NATO, or the United States stance missile defence project , in Central and Eastern Europe, but it provoked a will to reassert Russian power and sovereignty. In general, the EU post-enlargement ambitions in the common neighbourhood are those of a post-modern actor, in contrast with Russian traditional sovereign prerogatives.

According to the authors, Brussels has a sui generis perception of geopolitics and of its role that is based on values and on a positive-sum perspective of external relations. Instead of becoming an idealised European partner sharing views on common norms, Russia is becoming, in the EU perspective, a challenging foreign policy actor, as the Council Conclusions of March 3, on Ukraine illustrate Council of the European Union, As in concerning Georgia, the Union condemns military reactions and threatens to halt specific dialogues with Russia.

In contrast, Moscow has resourced to military means. Besides the EU-Russia institutionalized framework, the EU specifically binds its relationship with Moscow to the provisions that both parties endorsed in other multilateral organisations or conventions. The Union, its member states, and Russia are connected to these multilateral forums , as members or observers.


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We observe that the Russian Federation has been using these multilateral arenas to discard difficult subjects or binding commitments from the EU-Russian agenda and depoliticise cooperation items. Nonetheless, the issues that Russia has to deal with in other fora than the EU show, as we shall see below, that Moscow tries not to be scrutinised in any multilateral relationship, neither in the relationship with the Union, nor with other international organisations.

Criticism against Russia has arisen in this context because the country is considered to have failed to respect original commitments. Additionally, Russia also criticizes Western double standards, as it was the case concerning Kosovo independence as compared to Abkhazia and South-Ossetia recognitions in Concerning international organisations, their politicisation and application of double standards are the core critics, as mentioned below.

The Commission refers regularly, along this document, to the organisations that are depositaries of the values that underpin its relationship with Russia. Globally, serious concern is voiced about Russian non-compliance with them. In this logic, Russian authorities refuse external intromissions in domestic affairs. The result is a growing misunderstanding and irritation from the Russian side and a suspicion that the organisation is used by some countries to exert political pressure.

The author compares these tensions to what happens in EU-Russia relations Massias, Massias concludes that the existence of two different conceptions of democracy and its principles hinders the credibility of the Council of Europe ibidem : This divergence produces a dilemma between, on the one hand, the need not to exclude Russia and, on the other hand, the consideration of its devious human rights and democratic records.

As it is the case in EU-Russian relations, the relations of the Council of Europe with Moscow have proven to need a rethinking. The author interprets the Russian view on its membership as follows:.

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Massias, Nonetheless, Russian leaders are defensive and perceive these organisations as ways of influencing and tend to avoid decisions that could be prejudicial for their country. Membership is seen, mainly, as a gain in influence. As a result, the Office could not observe the legislative and presidential elections in Russia for the first time since the collapse of the Soviet Union.

Russia's Foreign Policy

Russian authorities blamed the organisation for this fact by alleging technical obstacles in issuing visas for the staff of the mission The Associated Press, Another outstanding issue is the Russian suspension of its participation in the CFE Treaty since December see above. Contrarily, the view of the Union is that the Helsinki principles, which are the normative basis of the European security order, are valid.

Power positions have been particularly advanced by Russia concerning military deterrence and gas interdependences. The August War between Georgia and Russia has contributed to evidence the emergence of a more fragmented geopolitical setting for relations with Russia, as the ongoing Ukrainian crisis is also demonstrating. While Europeans try to create a common internal energy policy and to engage with Russia on regulating the energy market, the Kremlin takes advantage of this void in EU policies and has been sealing bilateral agreements to secure supplies and access to national consumers namely with Italy, Hungary and Bulgaria , in order to create a strong Gazprom monopoly.

The competition for the control of energy production and distribution further highlights bilateral strategies to advance interests and the limited capacity of the EU multilateral framework to manage cooperative solutions. The assessment of the legitimacy of Russian actions based on normative criteria has not fostered the expected convergence. Although the Helsinki statement recognises official principles such as peace, consultation, and the respect for human rights, they have not been interpreted in the same way.

These divergences go beyond core and classic issues of sovereignty military and energy and the power of ideas and norms diffusion also plays a relevant role in the growing difficulty in shaping consensual European security architecture. Bachrach, Peter; Morton S. Paris: Presses de Sciences Po. Oxon: Routledge.

Caporaso, James A. Paris: Fayard. Power Politics in the US and Russia. Surrey and Burlington: Ashgate.

(Mis)Understanding Russia’s two ‘hybrid wars’

Brussels: European Parliament. Foreign Affairs Council Meeting, March 3. Accessed on Interview by Leonhardt van Efferink. Paris: CERI autrement, Eurogas , Statistical Report Brussels, September Brussels, March European Commission , Common Spaces Roadmap. European Commission , Communication from the Commission to the Council.

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Brussels, November 5. European Security Strategy. Brussels, December Facon, Isabelle , Russie. Les chemins de la puissance.