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Recent searches Clear All. Update Location. Report incorrect product info or prohibited items. Suomen Historia Nuorisolle. Jatkoa "Kertomuksiin Suomen Historiasta. Kaarle X : Nen Kustaan Hallitus. Average rating: 0 out of 5 stars, based on 0 reviews Write a review. Julius Leopold Fredrik Krohn. Walmart Add to List. Add to Registry. Product Highlights About This Item We aim to show you accurate product information. Manufacturers, suppliers and others provide what you see here, and we have not verified it.

Journal of Education. Lipman, P. High stakes education. The new political economy of edu-. Gatt, S. International Studies in Sociology of Education 21, 33— Lynch, K. Affective equality: Love, care, and injustice. Gillborn, D. Racism and education: Coincidence or conspiracy. Rationing education. Mannheim, K. Ideology and utopia. New York: Harvest Books. Valenzuela, A. Leaving children behind. Williams, R. Resources of hope. Gramsci, A. Selections from the prison notebooks Q.

Smith, Trans.

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New York: International Publishers. Habermas, J. Knowledge and human interests. Boston: Beacon Press. Jacoby, R.

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Picture imperfect: Utopian thought for an anti-utopian age. New York: Columbia University Press. Kallio, A. Navigating un popular music in the classroom: Censure and censorship in an inclusive, democratic music education. Willis, P. Common culture. Boulder, CO: Westview. Wright, E.

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Envisioning real utopias. A briefer version appears Apple I still prefer to use it because of its powerful resonances with ethical discourses. But I welcome suggestions from, say, Muslim, Jewish, and other critical educators and researchers for alternative concepts that can call forth similar responses. I want to thank Amy Stambach for this point. The first refers to economic relations, the structures of inequality, the control of labor, and the distribution of resources in a society.

The latter refers to the processes of representation and respect and to the ways in which people have identities imposed on them. These are analytic categories, of course, and are ideal types. Most oppressive conditions are partly a combination of the two. These map on to what Fraser calls the politics of redistribution and the politics of recognition. See also Wright This is due to activism being likely to be associated with a critical attitude towards established hierarchies, on the one hand.

On the other hand, one might ask if it can also lead to new hegemonic configurations of power within academia. In order to elaborate this argument, I will employ both empirical and theoretical approaches, most of which are derived from the sociology of education and culture. This may seem very similar to action research, but differs from it in that a significantly greater interest in theoretical development is emphasised. The theory and practice of activist research demand of the researchers that they identify their deepest ethical-political convictions, and allow these beliefs drive the formulation of their research objectives.

Based on a critical approach to the above definition, I will attempt to identify some cases of activist research in Norwegian higher music education. I have had access and insight into this field since I have been part of it from the late s onwards, and more particularly through the ongoing research project Musical gentrification and socio-cultural diversities. I will come back to a more detailed account of this project later on in the article, but I can already tell that analogous to the contradictions and paradoxes that appear through an analytical use of the sociological concepts and perspectives employed in the project, I will discuss activist research as a—perhaps unintentional or indirect, but nonetheless conceivable—strategy to achieve academic merit and positions, in parallel with discussions about what distinguishes a cultural elite in an egalitarian society Ljunggren In this way, cultural capital may appear in the varied shapes of embodied, objectified or institutionalised properties which gain value when they are exchanged or converted into other forms of capital, for instance economic and social ones.

Thus, cultural capital may also be defined in terms of objects and practices that are approved by the education system, which may then be brought into play by privileged classes as a strategy of inheritance by the next generation.


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In this sense, Bourdieu argues that the sociology of culture is inseparable from the sociology of education, and vice versa. By way of example, in Western societies, higher music education and research was for long time almost exclusively concerned with highbrow art. And, in many respects, it thus fulfilled the demands of arts and education institutions, as well as their users and audiences. Low culture, of which popular music was a part, to some extent lived its own life, quite independent of cultural and educational policies, and was instead managed by the commercial market and media.

At the individual level, people seem to have a remarkable ability to understand and accept their place in the social structure. According to Bourdieu, this is not a question of rational insights, but rather of embodied social structures—related to social class, gender, ethnicity, age and so on—which are reproduced through habits, preferences and tastes developed over a substantial period of time, such as when growing up.

The notion of habitus designates this composition of individual lifestyles, values, dispositions and expectations, strongly associated with and conditioned by particular social groups. Obviously, this interpretation can be applied to music as well. The lesson to be learned from Spivak is that scholars—including, of course, activist researchers and educators— should not neglect to turn the mirror on themselves in order to attempt to thoroughly address their own academic interests and social positions.

This proposal does not at all imply that activist research is to be invalidated, but rather that it is essential to come to terms with the complexities, dilemmas and paradoxes that this approach inevitably encompasses.

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In the wake of Bourdieu, there have been a number of important sociological studies that have focused not only on how institutions deal with specific cultural forms, but also on whether and how individuals and groups are searching for and assessing specific forms of cultural capital. The new element is that from a certain point in time, what would previously have been dismissed as low culture can also accumulate high cultural capital.

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This harmonises well with the notion that postmodern cultural socialisation encourages an aptitude for sampling and re mixing cultural forms. Peterson argues that an omnivorous taste is replacing the highbrow one as a central criterion for classifying elitist cultural habits and styles of consumption. Based on this it may seem as though an open-minded and inclusive attitude towards cultural consumption across social hierarchies has spread within the privileged classes, and thus also to cultural and educational institutions.

The significant position popular music has achieved nowadays in Scandinavian music education at all levels as well as in music research may suggest the same. For instance, classical music is primarily cultivated by the dominant classes, while some forms of popular music—particularly those styles and genres that are in general considered to be lowbrow—appear to be relatively stigmatised, even for cultural omnivores. Moreover, as was indicated by Peterson and further emphasised by a large-scale, Bourdieu-inspired study of cultural consumption in the UK Bennett et al. These clarifications refine the concept of cultural omnivorousness in an important manner.

Thus, it is still the intellectual aestheticising and distanced intertextual approach to works and practices of art, analogous to the distinguished behaviour described by Bourdieu that embodies the appropriate dominant-class mode of cultural consumption, and thereby contributes to the accumulation of cultural capital.

Hence, one is faced with the challenging task of emerging as inclusive and exclusive at the same time. The concept was developed in order to point out that the ongoing FJME 02 vol. On these grounds, and in the given theoretical context, we refer to musical gentrification as complex processes with both inclusionary and exclusionary outcomes, by which musics, musical practices, and musical cultures of relatively lower status are made to be objects of acquisition by subjects who inhabit higher or more powerful positions. As with the examples borrowed from urban geography and described above, these processes strongly contribute to changing the characteristics of particular musical communities as well as the musics, practices, and cultures that are subjected to gentrification.

Dyndahl et al. My critical suggestion is that the situation may be just as paradoxical when it comes to activist research. With the above considerations regarding cultural capital, omnivorisation and musical gentrification in mind, I will proceed to discuss a couple of instances from Norwegian higher music education in terms of activism. That is, I will present brief examinations of two cases, which I argue might be interpreted as examples—or, at a conservative estimate, rudiments—of an activist approach.

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Likewise the strategies for transforming these conditions and making the required alterations could be seen as reforms and changes within higher music education itself. Activist academisation as omnivorisation Around , for the first time in Norway a postgraduate programme in musicology was established outside the University of Oslo.

The programme is still running there. The newly established musicology programme was expected to have a special responsibility for the area and the region in which it was situated, that is the mid and northern Musiikkikasvatus 02 vol. This process typically implies that both the standard and the status of the properties and the neighbourhood will be raised, while, at the same time, many of the original residents are forced to move out, not only because of the obvious economic reasons but because they feel alienated from a neighbourhood that is increasingly unfamiliar.

Against this background, musical gentrification is perceived and defined in this way by the research group:.