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A series of essays by author and activist Robert Fantina that includes information and commentary on the situation on the ground in Palestine, both the Gaza.
Table of contents
- Vic Mensa: What Palestine Taught Me About American Racism
- Struggling to see Palestine
- Biblical imaginings have warped our perception of Palestine | Aeon Essays
- Related Stories
Then you can start reading Kindle books on your smartphone, tablet, or computer - no Kindle device required. Would you like to tell us about a lower price? If you are a seller for this product, would you like to suggest updates through seller support? In works such as Culture and Imperialism, Said has compelled us to question our culture's most privileged myths. Read more Read less.
Customers who bought this item also bought. Page 1 of 1 Start over Page 1 of 1. From Booklist The Oslo Agreement, setting terms for a new relationship between Israelis and Palestinians, has drawn such wide mainstream support that few Americans realize many Palestinians consider this new relationship far short of self-determination. From the Back Cover Ever since Yasir Arafat and Yitzhak Rabin shook hands on the White House lawn, Israel and the Palestinian people have been engaged in what commentators persist in calling "the peace process".
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Vic Mensa: What Palestine Taught Me About American Racism
Write a product review. Most helpful customer reviews on Amazon. Verified Purchase. Thanks to Amazon, we can read Said's Peace and Its Discontents, from which we get a compel- lingly persuasive view of what the "Arab-Israeli conflict" is really all about. Some reviewers have tried, in a way that seems sneaky to me, to shunt the author's intention into a diatribe against Yassir Arafat. This is not Said's major purport, which as usual is: a complaint about Israel's unfair treatment of his fellow Palestinians.
It is often said that the abused child becomes the abuser. Seen by Europeans and Americans as the foundations of Western civilisation, the Bible and the classics served to define the Western relationship to the lands of the East, especially Palestine, or the Holy Land. Travellers accepted with little question the hardly believable numbers of people given in these works: armies routinely numbered in the tens or hundreds of thousands. Likewise, scriptural sources reported populations — just for Israel or Judah, in the hill country of Palestine — in the millions.
Today, scholars think that these numbers were overstated by an order of magnitude. They interpreted biblical language in terms of their own surroundings. Most readers from northern Europe or the United States naturally imagined northern European or American forests. They did not consider, or indeed know anything of, the natural Mediterranean environment and climate of Palestine.
Old Master paintings and prints depicting biblical episodes such as the Crucifixion or other scenes in the life of Jesus reinforced these overly familiar imaginings of the Holy Land. Canonical European works of art routinely show architecture and landscape that resemble those of northern Europe, rather than the eastern Mediterranean. Quite simply, upon meeting a landscape so different from their strong expectations, they processed it through familiar texts — in this case, biblical prophecies of desolation.
Travel accounts of Palestine and the East were a popular genre with European and American readers — especially with those undertaking their own journeys to the Holy Land. Decades and even centuries of reports of desolation and wasteland had an effect. Importantly, seeing Palestine as declined from an imagined great and glorious past to another imagined desolate present helped visitors to stake a claim of ownership to the land.
The idea that it had fallen into disrepair and desolation confirmed a longstanding orientalist stereotype of Middle Easterners as lazy, and of the Ottoman empire as decadent. European interpretations of biblical and classical texts further nourished these preconceptions. The desolate state of the land, under its Ottoman rulers and Arab inhabitants, contrasted with how much the land meant to European Christians.
In their view, they knew more about its glorious past, and thus were its more rightful heirs. Founded in London in , under the official patronage of Queen Victoria, it was the first of several organisations dedicated to the study of Palestine to arise in Western countries. The seemingly obvious decline of the land was proof that the relics of its past belonged to its Western heirs. But the PEF defies simple characterisation.
It came together from a swirl of different interests and motivations, some imperialist, some religious — sometimes intertwining, sometimes competing. Disregarding Ottoman antiquities law, the PEF — and travellers in general — routinely brought back ancient artifacts from Palestine and elsewhere in the Middle East. The seemingly obvious decline of the land from an imagined great and glorious past to another imagined desolate present amounted to visible, tangible proof that the relics of its past — if not the land itself — belonged to its Western heirs.
For most 19th-century visitors to Palestine, then, the decline seemed self-evident. It led to an obvious question: what caused it? Two major suspects presented themselves: natural causes the climate had changed , and human ones the land had gone to ruin under centuries of mismanagement. For 19th-century Christian visitors, changes in climate often meant the work of God.
Struggling to see Palestine
Desolation, predicted by the Old Testament prophets, resulted from a curse from Jesus. The view of Palestine as under a curse had a pedigree going back to the 17th century, but that fully flowered only in the 19th. More than 50 editions of his work were printed throughout the 19th century.
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For Keith and others, Palestine suffered under not a single curse but a double one: of the land and of the Jews. The Jews were cursed with centuries of wandering. The land, in their absence, was cursed with desolation, all because of the Jewish rejection of Jesus. In turn, Christian Zionists hoped that the restoration of the Jews to the Holy Land would help to bring the future reign of Christ on Earth, and the future conversion of the Jews to Christianity.
In short, the image of desolate Palestine was in a real sense anti-Jewish. The image of Palestine as a fulfillment of prophecy or curse exerted a major influence on how Westerners understood the Holy Land.
Biblical imaginings have warped our perception of Palestine | Aeon Essays
What is required is humility and honesty from EU states and a recognition that something into which they have put so much time, money, and effort has not had the desired outcome or tangible achievements. Rather than focus on negotiations within the context of a political framework that is no longer viable, the EU should now focus on securing the internationally recognised rights of the Palestinian people wherever they may be, including by ensuring the full implementation of international humanitarian law.
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Through its diplomatic and trade relations with Israel, EU states can hold Israel to account for its violations and create a more level playing field. Simultaneously, by dropping its dogged weddedness to an exclusive political solution based on two states, the EU can help create opportunities and spaces for Palestinians to think outside of the partition framework that has crippled them for so long. Hawari taught various undergraduate courses at the University of Exeter and continues to work as a freelance journalist, publishing for various media outlets, including Al Jazeera English, Middle East Eye, and the Independent.
She tweets yarahawari. A basic rule of policymaking is that if a plan does not produce a desired outcome, it should be revised. For years Europe has believed that the occupation is as unsustainable and undesirable to Israelis as it is to Palestinians. But that assumption has proved fatally false. Though the Green Line still appears as a dotted demarcation on Google Maps, it no longer exists in reality, and certainly not in the mind of the occupying power.
The current paradigm is therefore not just defunct but detrimental. Europe must now catch up to what Palestinians have known for decades: we live in a one-state reality, governed by a complex but single regime of apartheid. Amjad Iraqi is a Palestinian citizen of Israel, currently based in Haifa. We need to move away from the failures of the US-led Middle East Peace Process MEPP and the two-state solution — both of which have become interconnected exercises of political rhetoric regardless of facts on the ground. A new political paradigm must be fleshed out. It will have to be based on international law and a people-centred approach that provides for equal rights and self-determination for both the Palestinians and Israelis.
Regardless of whether this is ultimately achieved through one state or two, a new paradigm must first challenge the existing one-state reality of unending settler-colonialism, and oppose any ethnic discrimination. Peace cannot precede freedom.
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At the same time, it must ensure that the demise of the traditional Oslo-configured MEPP parameters does not leave room for ambiguous interpretation and that the Israeli government does not exploit it to reinforce the current one-state apartheid reality. The Palestinian national movement must embrace such a paradigm shift. This will entail a change in the tactics used since Oslo, making strategic use of their internationally recognised rights of return and self-determination, without the trappings of sovereignty.
Diplomatically, multilateral efforts must facilitate such framing, with key geopolitical actors in the Global South and Europe taking centre-stage and replacing the counterproductive US-dominated agenda.