Ruling Shaikhs and Her Majestys Government, 1960-1969: 1960-1969

Miriam Joyce problem with him On 4 August , members of Abu Dhabi's ruling family informed the British government that Shaikh Shakhbut, .
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Bahrain from the Twentieth Century to the Arab Spring. Islands and International Politics in the Persian Gulf. Sudan and South Sudan. Britain and Arab Unity.

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Security and Territoriality in the Persian Gulf. The Small Players of the Great Game. History, Diplomacy and Journalism Volume 2. Glubb Pasha and the Arab Legion. Britain's Revival and Fall in the Gulf. Statebuilding and Counterinsurgency in Oman. Sultan bin Muhammad al-Qasimi.

The Boundaries of Modern Iran. The Arabian Frontier of the British Raj. In Search of Arab Unity Historical Dictionary of Afghanistan. How to write a great review. The review must be at least 50 characters long. The title should be at least 4 characters long. Your display name should be at least 2 characters long. At Kobo, we try to ensure that published reviews do not contain rude or profane language, spoilers, or any of our reviewer's personal information. You submitted the following rating and review. We'll publish them on our site once we've reviewed them.

Item s unavailable for purchase. Please review your cart. You can remove the unavailable item s now or we'll automatically remove it at Checkout. Continue shopping Checkout Continue shopping. Therefore, traditional life continued with little interruption. Michael Russell, , pp. Jill Crystal, Oil and Politics in the Gulf: Rulers and Merchants in Kuwait and Qatar Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, , p.

Tien Wah Press, , pp. Luce, From Aden to the Gulf, p. Annex to Qatar Diary No. Crystal, Oil and Politics in the Gulf, pp. This official visit was the first by an Abu Dhabi ruler for more than 40 years. It appeared likely that Qatari-Abu Dhabi relations would be friendly and firm. The first Arab Gulf State to acquire oil wealth, producing commercial quantities since , Bahrain developed utilities, roads, education, and healthcare before its neighbors did so. In , British official Sir John Troutbeck had written: In our own empire all our efforts are extended towards giving the natives more and more independence.

I cannot see how we can hope to move successfully in the opposite direction in the Arab world. Whatever may be the feelings of one or two petty chiefs, the urge for independence from western rule is surely bound to grow even in these little Arab states in the Gulf. Of course the immediate result where western authority is discarded is a lowering of the standard of administration as is only too evident in Egypt. But I do not believe we can stop this by trying to put the clock back and force upon these countries British advisers with a clearly defined executive authority. Shaikh Sulman feared that if they remained in his custody they would continue to be the focus of local discontent.

The ruler speculated that if the three were simply banished rather than imprisoned they would go to Cairo and work against his interests. Political Resident Sir Bernard Burrows explained to Shaikh Sulman that it would be easier for HMG to justify taking custody of his prisoners if first they were convicted of some serious crime. As a result, the ruler had established a special court composed of three judges, all members of the Al Khalifa family.

The accused were, of course, found guilty and the three leaders sentenced to 14 years in a prison located outside Bahrain. Shaikh Sulman was unhappy that the appeal had been permitted, but pleased when, in June , the Privy Council dismissed the supplication. The St Helena three continued their efforts to achieve freedom. However, the Foreign Secretary suggested that the case be studied yet again. The following day, the liberal Guardian newspaper stated that the St Helena three ought to be released. In addition, the Guardian expressed the hope that the British government would no longer carry out a sentence when the impartiality of a court was in doubt.

Whitehall looked for friends of Shaikh Sulman who might be willing to convince the ruler to follow British wishes. He suggested that in order to supplant Britain in Bahrain, states opposed to the British-Bahraini friendship were behind the effort to free the prisoners and had distributed large sums to achieve their goal. Sir George denied that the Members of Parliament who supported the prisoners had been bribed. Distressed, the ruler complained that London was ready to provide military assistance to the Sultan of Oman and yet would not continue to do him the much smaller favor of retaining three prisoners on St Helena.

Helena three to Shaikh Sulman, several Members of Parliament objected. They demanded that the decision be reconsidered.

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According to their advocates in Parliament, justice would be served only if the St Helena three were released and granted political asylum. On 20 December in the House of Commons, Labour members suggested that if the prisoners were returned to Bahrain they might be tortured or even beheaded. Shaikh Sulman reminded officials that had he wished to torture the men, he would have done it earlier, before they left his custody. The released men were entertained at the House of Commons. Now he and his fellows expected compensation from HMG. Sir William was instructed to explain to the ruler that paying compensation was the fastest way of disposing of the matter.

Further proceedings would only serve to generate additional unfavorable publicity. Horner paid his first official visit to Manama. Other issues appeared more pressing than the fate of the Bahrainis on St Helena. When Horner arrived, British troops, who had been quickly despatched to Kuwait to prevent an Iraqi invasion of the newly independent amirate, were in the process of withdrawing to Bahrain.

Horner reported to Washington: It is clear that the British, especially the military, were proud of their demonstration of their ability to land troops on short notice, but worried about how to extricate themselves from a situation in which they were rapidly becoming the object of Arab animus. The American diplomat was convinced that Bahrain needed Britain. Despite earlier conflict between his shaikhdom and Bahrain, ruler of Qatar, Shaikh Ahmed Al Thani, ordered two days of official mourning in his shaikhdom and sent a prestigious delegation to Bahrain to express condolences.

Hence, liberal political developments were unlikely. Iranian nationals sought employment as stevedores, but the Bahraini government was reluctant to employ them. Under the new ruler, the Al Khalifa family began to assume a larger role in administrative affairs. May reported to Washington that Shaikh Khalifa bin Sulman had little advanced education; nevertheless, through experience he had developed into a talented administrator. The Political Agent complained that the ruler lacked a talented secretariat.

The secretariat appeared incapable of addressing the problems it confronted. There is no present prospect of the Ruler and his brothers being willing to take the necessary steps to reform the Secretariat and the outlook for Bahrain in the years ahead is indeed bleak if affairs continue to be mismanaged as they have been over the past year. At the end of , Shaikh Khalifa presided at a ceremony in the village of Jasra. He turned on a switch that connected seven villages to electric power, bringing to 35 the number of villages supplied with electricity In December , a road earlier named to honor Sir Charles Belgrave was renamed in honor of Shaikh Isa.

Large crowds gathered to admire them. Shaikh Isa asked London to increase the payment made for British military facilities in his state; facilities that were necessary in order to support Kuwaiti independence. Hence, the Foreign Office instructed British officials in Tehran to inform Iranian authorities about the pending visit and, if necessary, to emphasize that the invitation was not directed against Iran. However, both British and Bahraini officials agreed that the film ought not to refer to the presence of British troops in the shaikhdom.

Shaikh Isa enjoyed giving gifts. He presented watches and other small presents to every British soldier serving in his territory or merely passing through. Some members of the Al Khalifa family spent vast sums taking retainers on trips to Lebanon or to the United States, often remaining for several months. Nevertheless, he agreed to try to limit his generosity. Whitehall was happy to oblige, but wished to avoid distressing Iran. Nevertheless, the police force had been strengthened and a competent special branch established under the direction of a British Commandant. The police carefully monitored clandestine movements and arrested potential troublemakers, including communists and Cairo-trained saboteurs.

Meanwhile, Shaikh Isa bin Sulman Al Khalifa continued to resist steps toward representative government and prohibited expression of political opinion. Only non-political radio programs were broadcast and no newspapers were printed in Bahrain.

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Shaikh Isa declared newspapers to be inimical both to Bahrain and to Britain. Oddly enough, however, foreign newspapers entering Bahrain were not censored and were avidly read. In , more than 37, children attended school, including 7, girls. Three professional Jordanian judges had joined the judiciary, and modern laws were in the process of being written. Shaikh Isa was not prepared to tax his people. He pointed out that, earlier, a modest water tax had been introduced.

The result was widespread discontent. The ruler and British officials also discussed the return to Bahrain of Bahraini students who had studied abroad. In other cases, because of alleged political activities in Cairo or Beirut, students were denied work permits. Returning home on 4 August, Shaikh Isa received a warm welcome.

Two days later, the ruler declared amnesty for 29 prisoners, including two men associated with the St Helena three who had remained in prison for eight years, Ibrahim Musa and Ibrahim Fakroo. King Hussein was prepared to supply the shaikhdom with both teachers and policemen. Although he feared opening his door to Iraq, he wished to draw closer to Saudi Arabia and replied affirmatively to an invitation from King Faisal to be his guest. His first official visit to Britain had enhanced Anglo-Bahraini relations and he appeared to be increasingly popular with his own people.

In the spring, winning high praise from his British advisers, Shaikh Isa commissioned an economic survey, a census and a review of education, health, and administration. The ruler also allowed a consortium of Bahraini merchants to investigate the possibility of establishing a commercial television station and agreed to authorize municipal elections in ; elections which would be the first in eight years. In addition, he agreed to the introduction of the first Bahraini currency, scheduled to replace the Indian Gulf rupee in The new currency was to be backed by Bahraini reserves in Britain.

Shaikh Isa also consented to a complete Bahraini takeover of responsibility for all postal services. In addition, Bahraini authorities found evidence of subversive activities sponsored by nationalists from the UAR, Kuwait, and Iraq, who had entered the country illegally. However, despite strong pressure, he refused to permit the establishment of a permanent South Gulf Boycott Office in his territory. Meanwhile, Bahrain continued to quarrel with Qatar, but relations with Saudi Arabia remained cordial.

Dissatisfaction was expressed by some segments of society, especially the young; those under age 30 who composed 75 percent of the population. Initially, it appeared that the demonstrations were directed against a BAPCO redundancy program, but quickly demonstrators, including schoolboys, workers and government employees, succeeded in disrupting many aspects of daily life. After police arrived they dispersed, but later students at Manama secondary school attempted a similar demonstration. The boys threw stones at the police and did not disperse until the police used smoke canisters.


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The ruler announced on the radio that he was establishing a special committee to investigate complaints against BAPCO. He also asked workers to return to their jobs. This undertaking extended to assistance against either external or internal attack. In addition, the Foreign Office considered it essential to safeguard British lives. Bahrain did not have an army. If the British-officered Bahraini police lost control of the situation there was no alternative but to use British troops.

This group, which included Bahraini exiles residing in Kuwait, was closely associated with Egyptian intelligence. The British had expected these Arab nationalists to orchestrate disturbances, but not until May when it had been predicted they would first stir up trouble in the Trucial States. At the same time he has neither the experience nor the organization behind him to devise and execute promptly subtler and more positive measures to counter the threat. As a result, on 14 March, 3 people were killed and 15 injured.

The following day, after smoke canisters were utilized, there were no deaths and only 6 injuries. Now the ruler admitted that he needed a trained expert to assist him. Shaken, Shaikh Khalifa bin Sulman Al Khalifa too was prepared to think about change, even publication of a daily local newspaper. Instead, schools were closed. British officials assured these shaikhs that HMG was committed to defending the Gulf. However, London was convinced that shaikhly willingness to permit change was essential. Hence the Foreign Office emphasized that British officials would continue to urge Gulf rulers to modernize their administrations.

However, gangs of young men continued to throw stones at windows and cars. Expatriate employees stayed on site at BAPCO but, intimidated by threats to themselves and their families, Bahraini workers remained at home. A rather splendid Irish group captain had guarded the airfield quite perfectly: Shops opened and residents proceeded with their daily routines. Bahrain radio requested that students return to school, workers to work and merchants to their businesses. Nevertheless, few teachers appeared in their classrooms, few workers arrived at their jobs, and most shops remained closed.

Girls attended in large numbers; boys did not. As a result, policemen were stationed at schools and attendance improved. The British suggested that in order to avoid a recurrence of school demonstrations prior to the beginning of the fall term, the Bahraini government should screen both teachers and students. But so little information about the impending election had been distributed that only votes were cast.

As a result, local elections that had been scheduled to take place in Muharraq and in some villages were postponed. Director of Information Shaikh Mohammed bin Mubarak now called for the establishment of a committee to publicize elections and set up a program explaining voting procedures to potential voters. At the beginning of the school term, in October , the Education Department warned students to avoid mischief, to concentrate on their studies.

Some students, however, did not heed the warning and stoned British vehicles. In November, soon after assuming his new post as Political Agent in Bahrain, Anthony Parsons recorded his first impression of the shaikhdom. A port ordinance issued in reaffirmed an earlier decree that had eliminated all tariffs and duties on goods entering Bahrain for re-export.

British expatriates still held a substantial number of high governmental posts. With notable exceptions, their quality is low, they are too old and are obviously hanging on like grim death to their power, prestige and salaries. It is no secret that, in three or four important Departments, principally the Government Secretariat, the Bahraini No.

The female members of the Al Khalifa family visited mother and child. Reaction in Bahrain was sharp. Shaikh Khalifa told the Political Agent that Bahrainis were not certain if they ought to continue to trust Britain. At the same time, Sir William stated: The Economist London , however, had reservations about moving troops from Aden to Bahrain. Since the Shia holiday on the tenth of Muharram had in the past led to unrest, in May the Political Agency noted that the annual processions took place without incident. Anthony Parsons reported to London that The processions themselves were orderly and the discipline of the participants remarkable.

In their tight black tee-shirts and trousers the muscular young Shia chest beaters and flagellaters, executing the symbolic movements of the ceremonies with paradeground precision, were more reminiscent of the Hitler Youth than of anything I have seen in the Arab world. Discussions dealt with numerous aspects of Anglo-Bahraini relations.

During these discussions the British agreed to make a substantial annual grant-in-aid to the shaikhdom. In , the Kanoo family partnership was chartered by the ruler as the first limited liability company in Bahrain. One of the most prominent merchant families in the state, the Kanoos, together with the Al Moayyeds, the Yateems, the Zayanis and the Fakhroos controlled major business activity in both Manama and Muhurraq. Members of these families were Sunni Muslims, heirs of the pearl merchants and dhow owners of an earlier era.

Since marrying first cousins was the norm, their wealth had remained within the family. Schools were closed and prosperous Bahrainis had departed for Lebanon and Europe. The atmosphere was relaxed, but Parsons worried about the future. He anticipated that the following year thousands of Bahraini young men would complete their studies, but be unable to find employment. Sovereign rights over the use of airspace were vested in the individual states, but the Israeli flights concerned did not pass through Arab airspace.

Nevertheless, these flights did briefly traverse the Bahrain Flight Information Region and, therefore, communication was mandatory. The Foreign Office wanted the Bahraini delegation to the next Arab Boycott Committee meeting to inform the organization that these Israeli flights crossed two major air routes eastwards to Pakistan and India. If the Israeli planes did not maintain radio contact with Bahrain the life of every passenger on these routes would be in jeopardy. Hence, nothing could be done to exclude these flights from contact with the Bahrain control tower.

The issue could also be used against Britain.


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After Political Agent Parsons had returned from leave in October , the ruler told him that he had decided to sign an administrative reform decree, but was unwilling to announce exactly when he would do so. Nevertheless, Parsons was pleased that after the death of the recently appointed Director of Customs, Mohammed Saie, a young man of considerable promise and the first Bahraini to hold that position, the ruler agreed to create a new directorate general to supervise two ports and the Customs Department.

The ruler stood on the hood of his car and ordered the crowd to disband. He reentered the car which drove off in the direction of the town at a walking pace. The large crowd followed quietly: Neither was there evidence of a commercial boycott of British goods. Of course, it was extremely hot and schools were closed. In January , Shaikh Isa and his Director of Customs and Ports had met with Saudi representatives to consider building a causeway to link the two states. With each passing year the number of offshore drilling company employees increased, and many of these men spent their free days in Manama, where they drank far too much and sometimes became involved in drunken brawls.

To prevent disorder, the Political Agent wanted to exercise additional control. The matter appeared urgent and the Political Agency imposed new rules. Alcohol was to be sold only to those over the age of 18 and was to be denied to anyone obviously drunk. The ruler explained to Roberts that he was concerned about some reports in the British press, particularly about parallels drawn between South Arabia and the Gulf.

At the end of , the Al Khalifa family remained afraid of the possibility of further unrest inside the shaikhdom. The British protective umbrella still appeared essential to the welfare of the shaikhdom and the security of the traditional establishment. Material contained in pp. Visit of the Ruler of Bahrain, Brief No. Westview, , p. Modern Bahrain and its Heritage London: Kegan, , p. Gulf Heritage in Transition London: Longman, , p.

University of Kuwait Press, , p. Margaret Luce, From Aden to the Gulf: The Modernization of Autocracy, p. Anthony Parsons, They Say the Lion: A Personal Memoir London: Jonathan Cape, , p. Parsons, They Say the Lion, , p.


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Quoted in Rumaihi, Bahrain: Molly Izzard, The Gulf London: John Murray, , pp. The Times London , 8 March , p. Parsons, They Say the Lion, pp. He admired the availability to Kuwaitis of free education and healthcare, but also noted that there were abundant signs of vulgarity.

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In , the small state on the northeastern shore of the Arabian Peninsula was preparing to emerge from under the protection of HMG, which had protected the shaikhdom since Although Kuwait and Britain accepted the necessity of adjusting their relationship, each continued to need the other. The ruler provided an airplane for the British minister and his party explaining that he wanted his guests to see how the country had developed. Shaikh Abdalla Salim told Heath that Britain had been of considerable assistance to the shaikhdom and shared some credit for the material progress of his territory.

The Political Resident explained that if Kuwait and Britain decided to conclude a treaty rather than simply to exchange letters, Parliament would be required to ratify that treaty before it took effect. However, if an exchange of letters would suffice, that information would simply be presented to Parliament and immediately become policy. Quickly the ruler opted for an exchange of letters. The Political Agency in Kuwait approved, stating: In addition to independence, Kuwait received a guarantee of military support. Most neighboring countries, including the UAR, sent messages of congratulations.

The Iraqi dictator Qasim sent a telegram to Kuwait, the text of which was published in the Iraqi press. On the morning of 1 July, British marine commandos landed off Kuwait. Representing Kuwait at the United Nations, on 5 July, Abdul Aziz Hussein told the Security Council that although Kuwait did not want foreign troops on its soil, unfortunately, at present they were essential. Fifteen days later, on 20 July, Kuwait was admitted to the Arab League. Concerned with Arab opinion, the ruler moved quickly to invite an Arab League force to replace British troops.

Political Resident Luce was uncertain that such a force would materialize and considered it vital to form a Kuwaiti army that in future would be strong enough to protect the state. Despite speculation that Arab League troops would not arrive, by the middle of September an Arab force was in place and British troops departed. Nasser soon decided to withdraw his forces from Kuwait, claiming that imperialist elements were spreading discord among the men from Arab League countries serving in Kuwait.

However, the British were convinced that the reason the Egyptian leader withdrew his troops was that Amir Abdalla Salim had publicly reiterated his dependence on Britain. However, at the end of June the Amir appeared to recognize the contribution of a token number of expatriates, some in the highest level of his civil service. He published a decree on 25 June granting Kuwaiti nationality to 32 aliens. Among these new Kuwaitis were eleven Palestinians. Defense was an urgent matter, but, alas, even in this critical area no proper system of management was introduced.

Each shaikh ordered the military equipment that struck his fancy without reference to how his selected torpedo boat, rifle or grenades might fit it. One British official remarked: An announcement published in the Official Gazette on 20 August proclaimed that the head of state be given the title Amir of the State of Kuwait. At the same time, the Kuwaiti government requested that British titles, earlier awarded to the Amir, be omitted when addressing him.

He cautioned, however, that if Britain left the Gulf, neither the United States nor any other ally would take over. Sir William agreed that British withdrawal from the Gulf would leave a vacuum. It would lead to a struggle for power that would produce instability in the region and have a serious effect on the oil companies. In addition, the pamphlet fervently thanked the Arab League states for their support. Richmond lamented the shortage of talent. Earlier he had hoped that the Iraqi threat would provide such a traumatic experience that the existing population would come together and develop a national consciousness.

This had not happened. Most Kuwaiti citizens remained far removed from the expatriates who worked among them. For example, a larger army was vital. By the end of , three thousand new recruits had joined the Kuwaiti military. Most of these men came from Bedouin tribes which passed through Kuwaiti territory. Shaikhs, who resided in Kuwait from branches of these tribes, vouched for their loyalty. Ambassador Richmond speculated that within a year Kuwait might have a force capable of dealing with an Iraqi attack long enough to make successful British intervention possible.

The newspaper Al-Hadaf opposed the decision to exclude women and began a campaign to have it reversed.

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Under pressure, the Joint Council announced that the women already employed by departments other than Social Affairs, Health and Education might remain at their jobs, but no new female employees would be hired. Only 40 percent of eligible Kuwaitis had registered to vote: Educated at the American University in Beirut, Khatib had been among the founders of the Arab National Movement and after his return to Kuwait had organized a local branch. He told Foreign Office officials that sometimes it might appear that both he and Amir Abdalla Salim were ignoring the British Ambassador in Kuwait, but that was not the case.

Two hundred and ten candidates sought seats. However, the political ideologies of the candidates were not too ambiguous. Among the suggestions put forward were that after the opening of the proposed university in Kuwait, students from other shaikhdoms should receive their higher education there. In addition, London wanted Kuwaiti newspapers and television programs made available throughout the Gulf. The Amir expressed gratitude to HMG for its assistance in helping the amirate achieve admission.

At a press conference in New York in June , an Iraqi representative had declared that Kuwait was not an independent state and, therefore, not eligible for membership in the United Nations. Again at the beginning of , the Soviet Union continued its refusal to permit Kuwait entry. Kuwaitis were now optimistic that relations between the amirate and Iraq would improve and that the Soviet Union would extend recognition.

Razzuqi was soon to leave New York for Kuwait and possibly another assignment. It is inefficient and makes them no more competent than some of the minor African delegations. Kuwaitis had to convince their Arab brothers, including Morocco, serving a term on the Security Council, to lend support. British officials had discussed the issue with the Moroccan representative to the United Nations, who claimed that the Arabs would resolve the problem themselves.

The Amir informed Ambassador John Richmond that traffic was moving between Basra and Kuwait, and that Kuwaiti travelers were kindly received. Shaikh Abdalla Salim hoped that it was now possible to obtain both Iraqi recognition and United Nations admission. Only Saudi Arabia actively supported immediate Kuwaiti admission.

Since Morocco now refused to sponsor Kuwait, the amirate once again turned to Britain. He said that he had no illusions that the United Nations could help Kuwait, but he considered membership important in so far as it demonstrated that Kuwait was an independent state.

The vote was not unanimous, but the assembly voted approval. The first Soviet Ambassador to Kuwait presented his credentials in August The amirate also established diplomatic relations with Czechoslovakia, Poland, and Bulgaria. And although Kuwait had diplomatic relations with Taiwan, in February the ruler told British officials that he supported the admission of Communist China to the United Nations.

Whitehall noted that the Al Sabahs wanted a foot in both camps. Because they had no ties to the regime, these Indians were likely targets of Soviet propaganda. In February , the Soviet Ambassador to Kuwait told General Mubark that his government would be happy to supply the Kuwaitis with equipment and weapons. The Kuwaiti officer declined the offer. However, several days later, General Mubark received seven films pertaining to weapons: The films and the literature that accompanied them were in Russian. General Mubark regarded the episode as amusing. His British friends did not. They warned that if the Kuwaiti officer was not careful a Russian interpreter would soon be on his doorstep.

General Mubark now promised that he would be cautious when dealing with Soviet representatives. During a national celebration, approximately ten thousand Kuwaiti students participated in a lavish gymnastics display organized by Egyptian teachers. According to Jackson, a Gulf Arab representing his own government would be in a position to help counter Egyptian and Arab League pressure on the amirate. In addition, there was no Bahraini of the caliber needed who could be spared for the assignment. Some members of his family and many of the businessmen of Kuwait, have accumulated immense undeserved fortunes and show no signs of trying to use them constructively: Heath asked to meet with the Amir.

He expressed pleasure that throughout Kuwait had continued to hold sterling and thanked the ruler for his confidence in Britain. The ruler declared that he was satisfied with the return on sterling investments and his British managers. The Ruler also said that relations with Britain were so very close and cordial that, when necessary, each could criticize the other without danger of offense. The British Consul General pointed out the new hospitals, schools, and other public buildings that were a source of Kuwaiti pride.

But the journalists appeared disinterested. They only wanted to photograph Arabs and camels. In June , Kuwait was in the process of setting up its navy. Therefore, the British decided to include naval officers on such visits. As Britain considered withdrawal from Aden, HMG retained its commitment to defend Kuwait, but changed the terms of that agreement.

Within one hour of agreeing to render assistance, a squadron from Bahrain would begin daylight patrols over Kuwaiti towns and along the Iraqi frontier. Within twenty-four hours additional squadrons would be available. The plan called for two states of alert, the first to be authorized by the Political Resident, the second declared by ministers.

Escorted by armored cars, a group of Iraqis crossed the border and removed two Kuwaiti tents, which, although unoccupied, had earlier been used for passport examination. The next morning Iraqi planes flew three sorties over Kuwaiti territory. Later, Kuwaitis replaced the tents without any sign of Iraqi interference. Kuwait was a source of cheap crude oil, and, most important, had vast sterling holdings. A Foreign Office minute prepared for the Secretary of State stated that Kuwaitis wished for close links with the neighboring shaikhdoms still under British protection.

But although Kuwait provided some assistance to these states, the aid given was always on Kuwaiti terms without appropriate consultation with local authorities. The educated Kuwaiti has lost confidence in himself as well as in us, and this he can not forget. His shame, rather than his hatred, has come between us; and I suspect that the shame and frustration will remain, especially if Israel retains her conquests, when what hatred there is has passed.

The shock has gone deep, and its effects are masked to some extent at present; but they must work themselves out in the end. I do not think that our position in Kuwait will ever again be quite what it was before the 5th of June, Shaikh Jabir suggested that Britain ought to encourage the development of national forces in the area and promote an association of the Gulf States. According to the Kuwaiti Prime Minister, it was essential for the British to follow the wishes of the people of the Gulf rather than to impose their own plan.

Roberts insisted that was, indeed, what London was trying to do: Roberts pointed to some positive developments in education and health. Roberts insisted that, for settlement to be reached, both sides would have to make concessions. Roberts asked if the Kuwaiti Army had studied that war from the technical viewpoint. Archived from the original on 14 July Retrieved 15 November Sheikh Rashid bin Saeed Al Maktoum. Retrieved 12 April Retrieved 17 April Retrieved 30 March Prime Ministers of the United Arab Emirates. Retrieved from " https: Views Read Edit View history. In other projects Wikimedia Commons.

This page was last edited on 5 June , at By using this site, you agree to the Terms of Use and Privacy Policy. Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahyan. Sheikha Latifa bint Hamdan bin Zayed al Nahyan d.