Muslim Rulers and Rebels: Everyday Politics and Armed Separatism in the Southern Philippines (Compar

Editorial Reviews. From the Inside Flap. "Thomas McKenna has provided the first convincing and Rebels: Everyday Politics and Armed Separatism in the Southern Philippines Use the Amazon App to scan ISBNs and compare prices.
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These prejudices and suspicions notwithstanding , Muslims and Christians have been able to coexist peacefully in the Southern Philippines for most of the time they have lived together. You suggest in your book, Muslim Rulers and Rebels, that the Muslim nationalist movement emerged out of the period of American colonialism , and not Spanish colonialism, and in fact, that the American colonial authorities actively encouraged its development. Could you please elaborate on this? I state in my book that American colonial authorities encouraged the development of a transcendent ethnoreligious identity among Philippine Muslims.

That unified identity then formed the basis of the nationalist "Bangsamoro" identity of the Muslim separatist movement begun in the late s. Philippine Muslim armed resistance to Spanish aggression was very real and obviously effective, but it was not a unified Islamic resistance in the sense sometimes imagined. As elsewhere in Southeast Asia, sultanates just as often fought with one another, sometimes forging temporary alliances with the Spaniards to do so. Nevertheless, the ability of southern sultanates individually to withstand Spanish hegemony for more than years is a testament to their military and diplomatic prowess.

As stated in my book, certain perceptive American colonial agents realized that the "Moros" were not unified and thought it would be a good thing to unite them under leaders the Americans regarded as "enlightened" i. American colonial intentions were complex, but a primary intention seems to have been to prepare Philippine Muslims for the eventual end of American colonialism and their inclusion in an independent Philippine republic as a consolidated and relatively progressive ethnic minority.

It was a naive intention, and events, of course, didn't work out that way. But colonial practices did have the effect of encouraging the development of a unified Philippine Muslim or Bangsamoro identity. Not incidentally, American colonialism also provided a lingua franca--English-- for contemporary Muslim separatists. Philippine Muslims are linguistically diverse and, as is the case with Christian Filipinos, English has provided a neutral political language.

You also mention that the Muslim nationalist movement in the Philippines describes itself as both Islamic and anti-colonial. Could you explain how this self-conception emerged and whether it is shared by the different factions of the separatist movement today? The Muslim nationalist movement is anticolonial in the same sense as any other nationalist movement in Southeast Asia, including Philippine nationalism.

The difference is that Muslim separatists see Spanish and American colonialism in the Muslim Philippines as having been supplanted by colonial rule from Manila under the Philippine republic. The "Islamic" aspect is far more complicated, primarily because there are differing interpretations of what it means to be Islamic. The Muslim separatist movement is a self-consciously Islamic movement in the sense that its political fronts, to various degrees, envision that a Philippine Muslim nation or autonomous region will be influenced by an Islamic model of governance.

There is no clear model from the history of the Muslim Philippines. None of the Philippine sultanates complied at all closely to Quranic shariah law in their legal codes. I have suggested in my book that statements by the leadership of the MNLF and the MILF about the "Islamic" nature of their movement should be interpreted quite generally to refer to the defense of Philippine Muslim territory and traditions , as a response to Philippine Christian chauvinism, and as a desire to strengthen social and political connections between Philippine Muslims and the Islamic world.

What Abu Sayyaf means by "Islamic" is difficult for observers or at least this observer to ascertain. In your book you argue that the remote causes of Muslim separatism in the Philippines may be traced to Western colonizers but the more proximate cause can be found in the policies of the post, Christian-dominated Philippine state.

Can you outline some of the policies and practices that may have either exacerbated or created antagonisms between the Muslim minority and the Christian majority? Until the s, Muslims formed the majority population of almost every region of the southern Philippines. Soon after the founding of the republic in , the Philippine government began to sponsor large scale migration from the poor and politically troublesome regions of the north and central parts of the country to the agricultural frontiers of the lightly populated southern islands.

The large, fertile, and underpopulated island of Mindanao became the primary destination for Christian migration to the southern Philippines and by the late s Mindanao Muslims found themselves a relatively impoverished minority in their own homeland. While the scale of Christian immigration to Mindanao itself caused inevitable dislocations, the manner of its occurrence also produced glaring disparities between Christian settlers and Muslim farmers. From onward, the government provided steadily more opportunities and assistance to settlers from the North. By contrast, government services available to Muslims were not only meager compared to those obtained by immigrant Christians but were also fewer than they had received under the colonial regime.

The new Christian communities became linked to trade centers and to one another by networks of roads while Muslim communities remained relatively isolated. The late s also saw an unusually antagonistic stance toward Muslims on the part of the new national administration of Ferdinand Marcos.

Could you briefly explain the distinctions between the three principal groups representing Muslim grievances in the present-day Philippines: Misuari is a signatory to the Tripoli Agreement of , the first peace agreement signed between Muslim separatists and the Philippine government. Until fairly recently, the MNLF was the only separatist armed organization with which the government was willing to negotiate in any substantive way. The MILF dates from as a separate organization but can trace its roots back to the beginnings of modern Muslim separatism.

The MILF is headquartered in central Mindanao, is well organized and has thousands of fighters and broad popular support in rural villages. Although the MILF has stressed the Islamic aspect of the separatist movement, and has somewhat more Islamic clerics in leadership positions Salamat himself is a cleric , the stated goals and policies of the two groups do not differ significantly.

The Abu Sayyaf faction is of relatively recent origin, appearing only in , and is centered on the island of Basilan. They are a small, radical and somewhat mysterious group with limited popular support. While the Abu Sayyaf faction has garnered more headlines in the past five years with its killings and kidnappings of Christians, it is by far the smallest of the three groups.

It has been suggested that Abu Sayyaf, the most militant of these organisations, was initially supported by the Philippine military to discredit the separatist movement and create divisions between Muslims. Do you think there is any truth to these claims? I have heard these sorts of claims myself from Philippine Muslims since , although I haven't seen any credible evidence to support them.

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