Journal of the Rev. Ammi R. Robbins, a chaplain in the American army, in the northern campaign of 17

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An effort has been made to make this volume as complete and factual as possible. In the light of new information and develop- ments, there may be modifications required concerning the mate- rial, interpretations, and conclusions presented. He is a native of Missouri, and entered on active duty as a chaplain in Preacher, counselor, staff officer; a minister of the Lord, he brought glor ' to the uniform he wore, and the love of God to all who knew him. Chaplain Major General Gerhardt W. Hyatt, then Chief of Chaplains, announced that among the thirteen chaplain projects to be accomplished during the several years of celebration, , was preparation of a five volume History of the United States Army Chaplaincy.

In an earlier meeting in his office, Chaplain Hyatt rejected the proposal of the "Publication of two hard cover books: Rather, he directed that five volumes be prepared, following a chronological order that terminated at the close of major national or Army eras: The scope of each volume was to include not merely anecdotal materials, but the religious and political climate peculiar to each period; specifics of chaplains in their work and organization — uniforms, pay, their place in the military structure; attitudes and behavior as influenced by their theological precepts; and above all, primary source materials for study and use by active duty chaplains stationed far from the great wealth of libraries.

Writing Volume I was my happy lot and high honor. Several difficulties, however, presented themselves. First, the era that ended in — that date marks the entrance of the first Chaplain, John Hurt of Virginia, into the Regular Army of the United States — was fraught with attitudes very foreign to our twentieth century thinking. It was a time of such strongly held theological positions that anyone who deviated ever so slightly was anathema.

Roman Catholics hated and killed Protestants, and were repaid in kind. Internecine struggles among Protestants, taken for granted then, scandalize the reader in our more tolerant and perhaps less believing age. It was a time when enemies were rooted out by the sword, when the Indian was "a savage" and the black man a tool.

It was a time when the tobacco trade began to flourish and brought via prosperity rather than warnings of endangered health. It was a time when land was either purchased or conquered without qualms of conscience, but rather with praises to God for His kindnessess. As I wrote, it was hoped that my colleagues in the chaplaincy and comrades of the heart would not be offended nor consider the descriptions of attitudes two or three centuries old in any way a reflection on their piety or patriotism.

Douglas Southall Freeman faced the same problem in writing his masterful Lee's Lieutenants. Many of the men who appear in these pages kept religion in the same sanctuary of the heart with patriotism and love of home. Manassah Cutler's journals and letters are literary gold mines.

Of Ithamar Hibbard we know only that he served; of several others, even their service was ambiguous. It must be assumed — always dangerous for the historian — that those who left no record or whose writings fell prey to careless time performed their ministries in the military environment comparably to those whose work can be documented. That assumption was justified primarily when extant journals and letters were analyzed. Activities of ministry and attitudes appeared remarkably homogenerous, since the bulk of those early civilian clergymen and chaplains, irrespective of denominational affiliation, were Cal- vinists in theology and practice.

Third, in order to mirror the men and the mentality of an age long past, it was imperative to include long quotes from their writings: Nothin-g less could adequately convey them in their particular frame of reference. Even the language, grammar, quaint spellings and abbreviations were left as written. While that might at first seem an inconvenience to the reader, it was hoped that the flavor of the era would per- meate anyone willing to read more slowly, but infinitely more meaningfully. Further, only by provision of the words of the men themselves could an author-compiler avoid the centuries-old error of reference to documents not readily available.

Saint Augustine of Hippo in his B apt is mo contra Donatistas clearly enunciated the prob- lem: It was for the pleasure rather than the pain of the reader that this approach was followed throughout. The fourth major problem was that of the author himself. A Revolutionary War chaplain and historian, William Gordon, quoted an axiom of his day concerning those who delve in history: It was hoped, however, that I could say with Dr. Gordon, "the compiler of the present histoiT can assure the public, that he has paid a sacred regard to truth, conscious of his being answerable to a more powerful tribunal than that of the public; and has labored to divest himself of all undue attachments to every person, country, religious name or profession: The subject and the dramatis personae were worthy of Jeremiah's "pen of iron, and with a point of diamond.

It is problematical in that countless men and women — who lovingly preserved manuscripts, carefully de- ciphered the all but illegible script of chaplains writing under field conditions, and aided in the maintenance of priceless records — are anonymous. May their reward be great in Heaven! Special thanks must be rendered to persons involved in the actual production of this volume. I am forever indebted to Colonel Emil V.

Edmond, US Army, Retired, an Infantry officer and author who epitomizes the finest of both professions. When I served as his Regimental Chaplain, he encouraged me to write, and graciously critiqued my earliest ef- forts. For Sir Philip H.

Out of his personal collection he loaned me original docu- ments; infinitely more, he sacrificed his very limited time to assist me in research. His generous and scholarly contributions are re- fleeted in many pages in this book. Jacques Noel Jacobsen, Jr. Further, they gave me guidance and constant encouragement. Noteworthy was the help afforded by Mrs.

It was she who directed me in my search for previously unused journals and diaries of those early chaplains whose efforts for American freedom were recorded in these pages. I am in- debted beyond expression to her knowledge and professionalism. Connolly, Saint Charles Seminary, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, provided yeoman service, and are owed an unpay- able debt.

Without the kindness of Mr. Eugene Miller of Nutley, New Jersey, the rosters of early chaplains would have remained woefully incomplete. Without his support, as this work was being done as "an additional duty," this book could never reach comple- tion. Too numerous for individual mention are fellow chaplains who helped and encouraged this effort.

May they be pleased with the eusi result! Particular mention must be made of my secretary, Mrs.

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She patiently typed and re-typed my notes, brought order out of the chaos of my catastrophic penman- ship, and caught errors in my own quaint spelling. And to my long-suffering wife, Irene, and our children, I proffer my heartfelt gratitude for their sacrifice of time and continuous support.

The tradition of a specially appointed clergyman accom- panying soldiers into battle dates from the Pentateuch, Deuteronomy Building on that concept inherited from Judaism, the Christian Church found a place for the military clergy in its ministries. Not all heeded this canon, as French, British, and American military records attest.

Perhaps the more famous of these fighting clergymen was Archbishop Turpin Til- pinus of Rheims whose combat exploits as well as pastoral minis- trations mingle so prominently in The Song of Roland. Unlike the vanquished Anglo-Saxons, among whom "every English freeman had once been a part-time soldier," the Norman innovation was a standing army.

And from the necessity of keeping its ranks full, the Church was not exempt. Bishops' residences were fortresses; they traveled their hostile dioceses with retinues of armed guards, and went to battle in times of emergency not as clerics only but as feudal lords. The Bishop of Durham's castle was the mightiest bastion in the north of England, and one of the holders of that title, Anthony Beck, was most distinguished as a combat leader.

The Anglo-Saxon threat to peace having subsided with the rise of new generations, an edict issued by the Synod of Westminster in prohibited the clergy "to take up arms nor go about in armour. The Norman standing army gave place to volunteer forces, levied and called out for specific periods, as internal dangers of rebellion ceased and the enemy became foreign powers, Scotland and France.

At the Battle of Crecy, August 26, , chaplains were divided into three classes: Coverage was not standardized ranging from one chaplain to men in the Earl of Suffolk's command to one per troops from North Wales. Throughout the periods of the Tudors, Stuarts, Cromwells, and well into the Hanoverian era, chaplains continued to serve as military forces were formed to meet new threats abroad, and dur- ing the Civil War and its aftermath at home. It is noteworthy that under the Tudors in the late sixteenth century the appointment and duties of chaplains were defined. It was the responsibility of the regimental commander "to have a well-governed and religious See footnotes at end of Introduction.

His duty is to have 'care of souls,' and it is well if he meddle with no other business, but make that his only care. It will be reiterated, but never broadened nor restricted, with one exception. That came under Oliver Cromwell, when chaplains were temporarily given the added responsibility of being the military reporters for the news- papers publicizing the maneuverings and battles of the New Model Army. With the advent of a permanent military force, the chaplains' places in the structure, and their pay, were formalized, as were the other members of the establishment.

Chaplains continued to be part of the regimental system, either appointed by the commander or elected by the unit. Although there was the position of Chaplain-General, it carried no super- visoi-y powers over other chaplains, but reflected the assignment on See footnotes at end of Introduction. Throughout the recurring wars with France from to the American Revolution — called the Second Hundred Years' War — the British chaplains continued in the system where "each regiment was a self-contained possession of the colonel," and they failed progressively to meet the needs of their military parishes.

Absen- teeism became a syndrome of steadily declining morale throughout the Army, and "chaplains stood high on the absentee list. The problem was engendered by the system, even though chaplains were commis- sioned field officers. Symth describes the situation. He sold it and the priest who bought it received the pay. But he did not necessarily do the work, which was usually performed by a deputy whose stipend was fixed by mutual agreement. A formal chaplains de- partment was organized, and the regimental chaplains system abolished, by the Royal Warrant of September 23, The duties of the chaplains remained unchanged: So few documents remain that in the official history of the Royal Chaplain Depart- ment, there is a gap of almost a century, from Queen Anne's War until The sad conclusion is that this dearth reflects the in- creasing absenteeism of chaplains so prevalent in the eighteenth century.

There were exceptions, however, which shall be noted. While British military policy emphasized a standing army and a small militia at home, it placed the burden of self-defense on the colonies, using two approaches. The first, that of colonization, was fostered through military forces raised and directed by civilian companies under royal charters, e. John Sky states categorically: The militia system succeeded or failed in the several colonies, depending in part on the density of the colony's population, the imminence of danger, the demands on its economy, and, in the case of Pennsylvania, its religious mores.

New England frontier villages became garrison towns, housing soldiers from other areas to supplement their own forces. Frequently the town church became the fort, and the pastor became a de facto chaplain. Conversely, several garrison towns had permanent military chap- lains, whose secondary activities included conducting religious ser- vices for civilians, teaching school, and missionizing the Indians. Except when fighting in their immediate vicinity and for their own homes, the militia system generally did not live up to expecta- tions.

As the frontier grew distant, city and town bred men were no match for their Indian rivals. As early as King Philip's War, the colonists depended heavily on complementing their forces with friendly Indians skilled in forest warfare. Likewise, volunteer forces raised for special expeditions were usually not equal to long campaigns or against French regular troops.

Some British regulars did, indeed, come to North America in the earlier periods: The militia — varying in the differ- ent colonies and at different periods — trained anywhere from sev- eral times annually to twice weekly, depending upon the nearness of danger. Russell Weigley describes a typical training day in New England: There might be target practice and sham battles. A distinction was made between the "common militia" whose members were there by compulsion, and the "volunteer militia" — "the formations whose recruits chose membership in them, gener- ally with the understanding that they would respond first to calls for active service.

Records reveal that chaplains served in the militia, both common and volunteer, with volunteers raised for specific expeditions, in garrison towns, and later in the Continental Army. Through the period covered by this book, — , there will be examples of chaplains having very clearly defined status as commissioned officers, without rank or insignia of rank, in their various units; militia, volunteer expeditions. There will be many, however, whose service with the military — like the military itself — is ambiguous: But the inherited regimental chaplain system was to influence American chaplains' assignments throughout the period of this study.

The need for a chaplain organization, complete with its own leadership, will frequently be seen in the events described in these pages: For example, Washington scolded the chaplains at New- burgh because most had gone home on furlough at the same time, thereby allowing pastoral care to be inadequately provided for the total command. Again, many chaplains served during the Revolu- tion from the northern and middle colonies, but there was gener- ally a decided lack of military clergymen in the southern colonies, See footnotes at end of Introduction.

This con- dition of ill balanced chaplain coverage for units would be repeated over and again until the frustrations of World War I brought the issue to full light, and the Office of the Chief of Chaplains was established by the National Defense Act of We followed the British once again, years late! During the period — , American chaplains' duties, like their British counterparts, were not defined beyond the ancient "care of souls," to include the traditional clerical functions of preaching, praying, administering the rites, sacraments, and ordi- nances of the Church, visiting the sick, and burying the dead.

Throughout the period of the early Indian wars and the con- flicts with France, and during intervals of peace, clergymen served as post or unit chaplains having received their position by various authorities and means. Several volunteered their services; others were selected and appointed by the Provincial Governor or the General Court; some were chosen by their Provincial legislative body or unit commanders, and not a few were requested by mem- bers of their own congregations, on going off to the wars.

There was no general policy practiced continuously or universally. Dur- ing the Pequot War, the ministers in Massachusetts selected two of their number most fit for military duty, and then cast lots to see which one was actually to go; in this case, John Wilson. When Phip's expedition was formed in , it was the General Court of Mas- sachusetts which elected chaplains by vote. At the same time in New York, Governor Sloughter was ordered to appoint a chaplain by direction of King William himself.

The Connecticut legislature appointed chaplains during Queen Anne's War for service with volunteer forces. During the French and Indian War, similar pro- cedures, as above, were used in the several colonies to provide military clergymen to their forces. While chaplains were quite regularly on the scene in New England, they do not appear in Virginia, the Carolinas, or Georgia until the Revolution, and even then in relatively small numbers. The reasons for this absence are perhaps two-fold: It is not surprising, therefore, that several civilian clergymen, among them Samuel Davies and William Richardson, are found minister- ing to troops in addition to their normal responsibilities.

Their service will be described more fully in Chapter III. Thomas Barton, for example, an Anglican missionary to several congrega- tions in Carlisle, Huntington, and York, Pennsylvania, frequently led his parishioners in combat against the Indians. At the occasion of Forbes' expedition to Fort Duquesne in , members of his congregation volunteered their services with the proviso that he accompany them, and Forbes accepted him as the unit chaplain.

Whether the governor confirmed Barton's appointment, however, is questionable. Certainly he did not obtain Episcopal authority from London! Clergymen serving in peace time as post chaplains in their several colonies generally were appointed by the colonial governor or legislature. Illustrative of this, Massachusetts responded to Cap- tain Henry Dwight's plea — "we shall lead a heathenish life unless a chaplain is allowed" — by sending Chaplain Daniel Dwight to minis- ter at Fort Drummer.

In Virginia, post chaplain duties were per- formed by civilian clergymen as a secondary function in their efforts to evangelize the Indians, and without official endorsement. Of the period leading to the Revolution, several generaliza- tions can be made. Chaplains served in some "common" militia units, in volunteer forces or expeditions during hostilities, and in post assignments. Paid varying amounts by their respective colony, they were officers on the commander's staff, yet without rank.

Their duties were never enumerated except that they were to fulfill the role of clergyman, with the tasks normally associated with that office. With few exceptions they were members of the Anglican, Presbyterian, and Congregational Churches, the latter furnishing, by far, the greater number. The Revolution began with clergymen appearing at Lexington and Concord, and assembling without plan or design at Boston. Several came as a result of their prior commitment to militia units, such as William Emerson and David Avery, while others merely followed their congregants to battle without appointment or pay.

Efforts were made to bring order out of chaos. Connecticut's gov- See footnotes at end of Introduction. XIX ernor appointed chaplains to regiments; brigade officers selected their own chaplains in New Hampshire and Rhode Island units, assigning them at brigade or regimental level according to need; Virginia authorized the field grade officers and captains of each regiment to elect its chaplain.

Massachusetts' Provincial Congress began by asking several local pastors to serve at Boston for a month's duration, at which time they would be replaced. This rotating system proved unworkable, and so another plan was adopted whereby nine ministers were selected for military duty by a board composed of general and field grade officers. With the formation of the Continental Army, — Congress authorized a force not to exceed 22, men — chaplains were transferred from the militia and volunteer forces of their several colonies into America's first national army.

As not all militia chap- lains' services were required for the newly formed force, prefer- ence was given to those having the longest tenure of active duty. While the numbers of chaplains needed by the Continental Con- gress changed periodically, the appointment system seems to have remained constant; Congress, upon nomination by a unit com- mander, issued the chaplain's commission.

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A total of chaplains are definitely known to have served during the Revolution, 1 1 1 of whom were in the Continental Army. Additionally, accounts relate the services of several civilian pastors, who conducted services for soldiers in or nearby their pastorates, but were not in either Continental or militia units. The lion's share of chaplains were Congregationalists, some The denominational affiliations of 46 chaplains cannot be determined with any degree of accuracy. Of these, about 20 have records too vague that it cannot be ascertained into which denomi- national category they should be placed: Congregational, Unita- rian, or Universalist.

New England, reflecting its religious life-style, sent the largest number of chaplains into service, and the majority of these were Congregationalists. The Southern Colonies provided the least number of chaplains, largely Anglicans, some Presbyterians and 2 Baptists. The Baptist, who as a people were persecuted in both New England and the South, struggled strenuously for religious freedom. One Baptist chaplain only came from elsewhere in New England — Massachusetts — and two from the South. There are no Jewish chaplains identified in either the Continental Army or the states' militias.

No denominational quotas for obtaining chaplains were ever set through the period of the colonial wars and the Revolution. Normally a chaplain came from the same locality as the members of a particular unit, and generally had an identification of religious affiliation with the majority of them. European armies brought to America a long tradition of mili- tary chaplains. Their duties were essentially limited to the functions normally associated with "the care of souls.

Specifically the British, French, and Hessian chaplains will be mentioned in reference to the Battle of Yorktown where all four forces met. Soncino Press, , Specially appointed for the purpose, and designated in Rabbinical literature as 'the priest anointed for war'. Government Printing Office, , 7.

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Smyth, In This Sign Conquer: The Story of the Army Chaplains London: Mowbray and Company, LTD. The Macmillan Company, , 4. Princeton University Press, , 3. Page "In The Beginning": The depth of their devotion and the extent of their penetrations into an uncharted new world can be traced by the blood of martyrs. In , on the plains of southwest Kansas, Frey Juan de Padilla, a Franciscan, was killed by Indians to whom he had hoped to bring the Gospel.

His had been an adventurous life in the service of both his kings, eternal and temporal, and he knew all too well "the accustom'd sight of blood. While serving as a missionary he founded two friaries before accompanying Coronado's famous search for the fabled city of Eldorado. His was a dual mission. While the penetration sliced ever deeper into the unknown, he was the chap- lain of the conquistadors, often traveling in the advanced party, making friendly contact with the aborigines. When the expedition returned to Mexico, he elected to remain behind, and push ever farther north.

Met by a hostile band of Indians whom he came to claim for Christ, he valiantly ordered his few faithful companions to hide in the high prairie grass while he bore the brunt of their savage wrath. The hidden survivors have given to posterity a grand scene: Frey Juan de Padilla, champion of the Cross, standing alone and unarmed except by faith in the midst of a vast plain and vaster continent, committed to his God, until arrows pierced his body like a New World St. Stephen, winning for himself a crown of martyr- dom. Long before the American chaplaincy was even a dream.

A party composed of two priests, four lay brothers, and two novices under the leadership of Padre Juan Baptista Seg- ura landed on an autumn day, September 10, , to begin their missionary effort. Failure was just a meal away throughout their first six months ashore, the early records presenting a triumph of faith over fractious nature. For six years prior to the missionaries' arrival, the land had suffered famine. Their food supplies ran out rapidly, making a diet of roots the daily subsistence of Segura's party. More dangerous by far than hunger, however, was the betrayal of an Indian Judas, their interpreter, named Luis de Velasco.

Under his leadership the missionaries were massacred. Their deaths had far greater ramifications than the mere perishing of eight more men of God, as we shall see presently. Valesco made a fatal error while wiping out the mission of his friends. Not doing a thorough job, a young Indian boy named Alonzo escaped. Taking time to decently bury these martyrs, he carried the tragic news until it came to the ear of Pedro de Menen- dez.

A flaming protector of his religion, this founder of the City of St. Augustine had a love for Catholic missions and an unmitigated hatred of anything which hampered them, or smacked of Protes- tantism. Sailing to Virginia, de Menendez personally directed the capture and hanging of those Indians identified by Alonzo as perpetrators of the massacre.

Accompanying this punitive expedi- tion as its chaplain was Juan Rogel who baptized each of the murderers during their last hours on earth. It was therefore not a failure under its religious aspect. The abandonment of the Chesapeake region, however, was politically disasterous for Spain. Could it have been held, an effectual barrier would have been erected against the encroachments of the English in Virginia. Under the auspices of the London merchants, men set sail for the New World with the mission of building a permanent English settlement in Virginia.

By decree the Church of England was established to be the sole religious body within the new colony, and Chaplain to this expedi- tion was the Rev. Robert Hunt, pastor of the parish church at Heathfield, Sussex. Born in , and educated at Magdalen Col- lege, Oxford, he served as vicar for eight years earlier at Reculver on the coast of Kent.

It was there that a thousand years earlier Saint Augustine landed — A. Having served three years as vicar. Hunt married Elizabeth Edwards, a sixteen year old girl from Canterbury. Hunt's will gives evidence of the depth of the marital problem he experienced. He made his wife his executrix with the following limitation: Was the first Protestant chaplain to settle in English America walk- ing in the footsteps of ancient Augustine?

Or, was he seeking a parish in the New World so as to escape a problem in the Old? Could it be that he was looking for a new home for his family far away from John? History, like love, covers a multitude of sins, and existing records are tantalizingly suggestive but silent. Even who was responsible for Hunt's appointment is an open question.

Edward Maria Wingfteld, Jamestown's first president when writing in answer to charges against his administration of the colony, said in A Discourse of Virginia: For my first worke which was to make a right choise of a spirituall Pastor , I appeale to the remembrance of my Lord of Canterbury his grace, who gave me very gracious audience in my request.

And the world knoweth whome 1 took with me: Irrespective of Chaplain Hunt's domestic difficulties and his appointment, he proved himself invaluable to the expedition, and worthy of his title, chaplain. Leaving the Thame Estuary on De- cember 19, , the sea proved his first enemy. In the Downs, off of the coast of Kent and nearly within sight of Hunt's home, the convoy languished for six weeks without the proper wind to propel the ships onward.

The trans- Atlantic crossing was under the com- mand of Captain Christopher Newport, "a Marriner well practiced for the westerne parts of America. This strange arrangement opened a flood of rivalries among strong per- sonalities, immensely abetted by the tedious delay at sea. Captain John Smith wrote of this period: Yet although he were but 10 or 12 miles from his habitation the time we were in the Downs , and notwithstanding the stormie weather nor the scan- dalous imputations of some few, little better than Atheists, of the greatest ranks amongst us suggested against him; all this could never force from him so much as a seeming desire to leave the service of God, in so good a voyage, before any affection to contest with his godlesse foes, whose disasterous designes could they have prevailed had even then overthrowne the businesse: Not all dangers to the colony's life, however, were internal.

Upon land- ing at Cape Henry, Indians wounded two men "very dangerously. Now was it time for that godly man, Master Hunt, to do his part in healing our strifes, and he went from one to another with sweet words of good counsel: His arguments prevailed, for we all loved him for his exceeding goodness. I was admitted to take mv rightful place as one of the Council, and the next day we all received the Holy Communion together, as an outward and visible pledge of reconciliation.

And, indeed, it did seem as if the blessed Spirit of Peace had come down to dwell among us, for the next day came an embassage from the savages, voluntarily desiring peace, and to dwell in good accord with us,. Captain Smith records that "between May and September fifty were put under the turf. Smith remembering that even the "sturgion and sea-crabs" which had supplied their diet for five months were no more. While anticipating a renewed confrontation with the Indians at any moment, "God, the patron of all good indeavours, in that desperate extreamity, so changed the harts of the Salvages, that they brought such plenty of their fruits and provisions, as no man wanted.

Cap- tain Smith recalled: I well remember wee did hang an awning which is an old saile to three or foure trees to shadow us from the Sunne, our walles were rales of wood, our seats unhewed trees till we cut plans, our Pulpit a bar of wood nailed to two neighbouring trees. In foule weather we shifted into an ole rotten tent; for we had few better, and this came by way of adventure for new. This was our Church, till wee built a homely thing like a barne, set upon Cratchets, covered with rafts, sedge, and earth; Yet we had daily Common Prayer morning and evening, every Sunday two Sermons, and every three months the holy Communion, till our Minister died: A fire swept the small compound on January 17, Chaplain Hunt walked his godly path uncomplainingly, setting forever a standard for his spiritual descendents in the military clergy of America to follow.

What better report or epitaph could be written of him, or any chaplain, than that penned by an eyewitness to his struggles at being a priest and prophet in the expedition of Jamestown. The adventurous Captain Smith wrote: Neither the date of the Chaplain's death nor his place of burial has survived.

It occurred prior to June 12, , on which date the ship carrying the news of his dying left Jamestown for "home. Its life was made less tenuous in October, , by the arrival of seventy new settlers, and more desirable with the appearance of two young women among the passengers. The lack of female presence at Jamestown has been expressed quaintly but no doubt accurately as a "capital inconvenience.

Being the earliest recorded prayer offered in the colonies other than those in the Book of Common Prayer, and used dis- tinctly by the military force in Jamestown, some excerpts may con- vey the religious attitudes held in vogue by our earliest English settlers. This structural weakness should have forecast the settlement's doom before they sailed; within the year, the experiment had ended in failure.

Docking at the mouth of the Sagadahoc River, now known as the Kennebec, they landed, build- ing rapidly some fifty dwellings, a storehouse, and a church; Chap- lain to this colony was the Rev. Winter came on mercilessly, and George Popham died. Lacking strong leadership, exiled criminals who were escaping prisons and their pasts rather than building a new society for the future, simply were not fit material for the task. The early collapse of this effort, in contrast to the Jamestown and later Plymouth endeavors, painted in vivid colors the necessity that the personal character and quality posses- sed by settlers was vital for any such colony's success.

Although 8 THE U. At Jamestown not everyone professed faith in any meaningful way, but there was indeed a nucleus that, in spite of the shocks it received, gave the colony strength to survive. The Popham adven- ture proved the German proverb's message: Nearly three centuries passed before a manu- script entitled Relation of a Voyage to Sagadahoc came to light, having been tucked away in the archives of Lambeth Palace, London.

From it we learn of only one religious service being held, although presumably there were more. The voyage for the Pilgrims to America began at Delfthaven, where they parted from those electing to remain behind. William Bradford recorded the touching scene. Their pastor led them in "a day of solleme humiliation" using Ezra 8: It was an appropriate text: Joining the Pilgrim company there were non- Pilgrims seeking the opportunities which the New World offered.

Naturally values conflicted between the two groups and a misadventure in navigation abetted the problems. Rather than arriving near the Hudson River, they disembarked well outside of the jurisdiction of the Virginia Company, and their patent. Deter- mined to remain and equally determined to succeed, they recog- nized their immediate need was to establish some form of civil government. According to Bradford, anarchy was suggested: It has received uni- versal acclaim, best summarized by Sir Winston Churchill as "one of the remarkable documents in history, a spontaneous covenant for political organization.

In the name of God, Amen. In witness whereof we have hereunder subscribed our names at Cap-Codd the Ireland the eighteenth, and of Scotland the fiftie fourth. To have liberty of religion, they found they must first secure a sound economic system and government estab- lished on "lawes and order, both for their civill and militaiy Gov- ernments, as the necessitie of their condition did require. A mutual defense treaty was enacted with neighboring Indians, and the hard struggle for life and liberty began.

Plymouth Colony and later Massachusetts Bay Colony, functioned under the BibHcal concept of the covenant as See footnotes at end of chapter. This was a contract or agreement made between individuals, tribes, or individual nations with God. Blessings or curses, such as those enumerated in Deuteronomy could be anticipated by an individual or com- munity based on faithfulness to the provisions of the covenant. Growing out of this commitment to God were two corollaries: For this reason, religious tolerance was unthink- able, and personal behaviour was subject to communal censor.

Two hundred years would pass before religious freedom became a real- ity. New colonists came, and although they were Calvinist in creed and Congregational in church polity, they held vigorously to their right to privately interpret the Bible ac- cording to their own lights. Controversies abounded regarding the practice of the Christian faith, and especially the relationship for the state to the church.

Herein liesan open challenge to the covenant, and its ramifications affect our history. In the limited geographical area of England they would have stood their ground, but with a virgin continent beckoning them to take it for themselves, it was easier to move on, leaving theological quarreling behind.

This availability of land fostered a major difference between Puritanism in America and that practiced back "home. The year marked the first westward movement of settlers emigrating from Massachusetts to what is now Connec- ticut, in search of religious freedom.

Samuel Stone, co-pastor of the church in Newtown — now Cambridge, Mass — chose the site for a new city and negotiated the land's purchase from the Indians, moving there in Whether it was he or his parishioners who selected the name Hartford for this town we do not know, but it See footnotes at end of chapter. Richard Hakluyt earlier had urged "trade with Japan, China and Cathay, etc. Specifically Governor Winthrop in "Divers objections which have been made against this plantation with their answers and resolutions" provides the ratio- nale which gave the westward movement its religious thrust, and interprets for his followers the Charter of Virginia's and Hakluyt's injunctions.

Because of its effect on his own and future generations who pushed ever westward, it is worthy of careful note. Essential- ly the theory was this: Secure under the leadership of their chief Sachem, Sassacus, and protected by seven hundred warriors, they were openly hostile to their newly arrived and uninvited neighbors. In March , a war party attacked Fort Saybrook, killing three soldiers. John Higginson, who served as Post Chaplain at this frontier stockade in , does not appear to have been present at the time of this action.

He recorded that he was "some- time a schoolmaster in Hartford," presumably being away from the fort for extended periods. This latter offense was beyond toleration, and a punitive See footnotes at end of chapter. Hastily assehibhng at Fort Saybrook were eighty colonial volunteers and one hundred Indians led by Uncas — legendary hero of James Fen- nimore Cooper's Last of the Mohegans — a Pequot prince in rebellion against Sassacus. Lieutenant Gardiner of Fort Saybrook, and a life long soldier, was shocked at the militia. Complaining to Mason, himself a veteran of service in the Low Countries, that they were "not fitted for such a Design," he was concurred with by Captain John Underbill, another professional soldier.

Not only were the English volunteers unprepared for a hard campaign but Uncas' loyalty was an open question. Hardly "the noble Red man" of the novelist's imagination, he was a dissolute individual. To him belongs the distinction of being the first military chaplain to begin his active field service in English America, rather than ac- companying an expedition to the New World. A council of war was held at Fort Saybrook. Captain Mason's orders were to proceed to the Thames River by ship, and upon effecting a landing, begin operations against the Pequot Nation.

This plan had major difficulties which Mason felt would prove disasterous if implemented. It would be better, he said, "if our Army landed at Narraganset, they would come upon their Backs, and possibly Surprize them unawares; at worst they should be on firm Land as well as the Enemy. However, the decision was his, and his alone, as the commander to make. In his state of uncertainty, he turned to his chaplain in a remarkable fashion, as if it were a reenactment di- rectly out of the Book of I Kings.

Samuel Stone, late Teacher to the Church of Christ at Hartford, who was sent as Preacher to the Army, and desired of him in the Matter, how and in what Manner they should demean them- selves. He retired himself from them aboard the Pink the re- maining Part of that Day, and the following Night was not wanting in spreading the Case before the Lord, and seeking his Direction, in the Morning he came on Shore to the Captains Chamber, and told him he had done as he desired him, and See footnotes at end of chapter.

Leaving the next day in the confidence of the Lord's guidance, Mason's tactic put the Pequots off guard, the ship and troops sailing past them. Landing in the territory of a neighboring and rival tribe, the Colonists sought permission to cross their land. More than they asked was granted. Miantonomoh, Chief of the Niantics, summoned warriors and joined the Englishmen on the war path.

Going cross country the citizen soldiers were severely oppressed by unaccustomed exertion and heat, but they fortified those who fainted with moderate amounts of liquor. Rapidly de- pleting their supply of "the friendly spirit," a contemporary rec- ords "the very smelling of the Bottle was effectual to the reviving of the fainting soldiers. Two colonial forces penetrated their fortification. Surrounding the paHsades were the friendly Indians, ready to deal with those fleeing the white man's wrath.

Not desiring the enemy to have time to form, Mason fired their wigwams. Those fleeing this holocaust were cut down and butchered by the encircling Indian forces, mercy being an unknown virtue. Warriors, women, and children to the number of nearly were killed, and the Pequot Nation disappeared both as a reality and as a threat to the Connecticut Colony.

What did Chaplain Stone consider to be his battle station in this time of "blood and fire, and pillars of smoke"? In the Night in which the Engagement was, In his Brief History of the Pequot War, the commander pro- claimed: He laughs his enemies and the enemies of the English to scorn, making them as a fiery oven. Thus does the Lord judge among the heathen, filling the place with dead bodies. Massachusetts, as a good neighbor, sent a detachment made up of selected men to the war.

Concerned that God would not bless the arms of men who "were still under a Covenant of Works," only those were accepted who professed personal faith in Christ their Saviour. Chaplain John Wilson, minis- ter of the First Church of Boston, was chosen for this duty by his fellow clergymen. Increase Mather said of him: They certainly believed that success or defeat was in the hand of God; whether they were victorious or vanquished depended upon their commitment to Him.

Viewing war as an undesirable necessity, those selected to be soldiers could not be unbelievers. As Christian soldiers, far from their homes and accustomed places of worship, they required a clergyman's services to minister to their spiritual needs. Chaplain Stone, "who was sent to preach and pray with those who went out in those Engagements," was not an ancillary but a full fledged member of the expedition. John Wilson, after his experience as chaplain to the Massachusetts troops, worked with the saintly John Eliot for the conversion of the Indians, and in See footnotes at end of chapter.

One result of the destruction of the Pequots was that "the Terror of God fell upon all the Heathen round about. Not so, the aborigines. Following their ancient ways, Miantonomoh with his Niantics and Uncas with his Mohegans, once their war with the Pequots ended, turned their knives against each other. Their re- maining years were spent in self generated genocide. With "peace more sweet than music" flowing over New En- gland, far to the north and west events were developing which would shatter this idyllic scene for a century.

Samuel de Champlain and others representing Henry IV of France began searching for a passageway to the Far East late in the sixteenth century. Unsuccess- ful in their mission, they did explore the St. Lawrence River basin, and penetrating deep into the heartland of North America via the river routes, laid the foundation for a vast new empire.

His follow- ers named a lake in honor of Champlain, which was to become a key terrain feature in our military history for the next two hundred years. Quebec, founded in , prospered. During the period between the destruction of the Pequot Nation and New England's next Indian war, the French pursued their explorations, mission- ary endeavors, and small efforts at colonization. By July 17, , Father Pierre Marquette had descended the Mississippi as far south as present day Arkansas, and on that date began his return trip.

His Journal makes thrilling reading, and is certainly a wonderful part of our American heritage. It is a record of high endeavor of the noblest kind, of pathetic suffering, and of triumphant faith. He called at "an Illinois town called Kaskaskia, composed of seventy- four cabins. During Mar- quette's exploration he carried the Gospel to all whom he found. Death was his constant companion, and toil his food and drink. With sublime dedication he recorded: They See footnotes at end of chapter.

Blood would flow when political, economic, and religious systems came close enough to quarrel; but, that was still several years away.

A chaplain's "leap of faith"

By , the ever spreading population of New England was beginning to worry Metacomet, Segamore of the Wampanoags. Known to history as King Philip, he was the son of Massasoit, the chieftain who graciously, but with caution, embraced the Pilgrim Fathers at the time of their arrival on his shores. Governor Prince is said to have given the names Alexander and Philip to the old warrior's sons in honor of their warlike ability, comparing them to the ancient Macedonian conquerors.

He prophesied better than he knew, for although Alexander, like his namesake, died early, Philip went on to terrorize the colonists. An undated letter remains which was sent by King Philip, probably in the late 's. It contained an ominous hint that the days of peace were drawing to a close, although it is couched in inoffensive terms. Written to Governor Prince in the Indian style of using the third person, it said that he would sell no land to the English for seven years. King Philip was arousing all the tribes of New England to cease their internecine wars, and to form an alliance for an attack on the ever encroaching white men.

With an army of 10, warriors he planned to drive the English into the sea. Throughout this period of Philip's growing fear and irritation, the Reverend John Eliot had been hard at work in his efforts of evangelizing the Indians, translating the Bible into the natives' tongue as a necessary step in his work. The success of Eliot's efforts actuated King Philip's fear into flaming hatred, because he was deeply attached to the ancient and traditional religion of his ancestors. The sight of villages of "pray- ing Indians" was intolerable to him, and to seven hundred warriors he proclaimed vehemently his faith in the old ways and the old god.

Philip's warriors were enraged, calling for im- mediate war, although he was pleading caution. It was too early to put into action his grand plan to destroy New England, but events slipped beyond his control. The impetuosity of the young spelled See footnotes at end of chapter. Of such paradoxes are history made. Unlike the earlier Indian campaign against Sassacus, the col- onists were militarily well prepared, and at the commencement of hostilities, they began operations in earnest.

George Madison Bodge provides a thorough account of the Massachusetts military establishment. At the opening of the war, the colonial militia was quite effi- ciently organized. Each county had its regiment of 'trained soldiers. The Essex regiment was of thirteen Foot and one Cavalry; the other counties smaller. There were seventy-three organized com- panies in the Massachusetts Colony, besides an independent cavalry company called the 'Three County Troop,' made up in Suffolk, Middlesex and Essex.

The highest regimental officer at this time was Major, or Sergeant Major. These local companies were not sent on active service out of their towns, but men were impressed from the number and placed under officers appointed for special service by the Coun- cil. Cavalry had Cor- nett instead of Ensign and a Trumpeter and Quartermaster. The regular number of privates in foot companies was seventy; in the cavalry fifty. On special service it was more. The pay of soldiers was 6s.

There is no way of determining the rate of pay from Hull's Journal, as all payments are 'on acct' and do not specify time of service. A 'Chyrurgion' or doctor was attached to each expedition. A chaplain also generally served with each expedition. The price paid for horses was 18d. Prices of Clothing, 'Waistcoats, 6s. John Wise served against the Narragansetts, and will appear later in our history in another conflict. Plymouth Colony sought aid from Massachusetts after the Indians raided Swansea. On June 24, , the General Court of Massachusetts ordered both Infantry and Cavalry to the relief of See footnotes at end of chapter.

In less than a month King Philip was a refugee among the Nipmucks. The Indians quickly learned better than to fight pitch battles, and the war degenerated into months filled with small guerilla type actions. All New England was aflame, and the scalping knife was not quenched in its thirst. A contemporary account reveals "the number of Christians slain since the beginning of the late Wars in New England, are The number of Indians Slain in this war is uncertain because they burn their Dead, keeping their Death as a Secret.

Twelve or thirteen towns were destroyed. The disbursements and losses equaled in value half a million of dollars — an enor- mous sum for the few of that day. More than six hundred men, chiefly young men, the flower of the country, of whom any mother might have been proud, perished in the field. As many as six hundred houses were burned. Of the able-bodied men in the colony, one in twenty had fallen; and one family in twenty had been burned out. The loss of lives and property was, in proportion to numbers, as distressing as in the Revolutionary war.

There was scarce a family from which Death had not selected a victim. Even a casual observer could note the universal keeping of the Lord's Day. At Hadley, Connecticut during a service of fasting and prayer, the Indians surrounded the meeting house anticipating an easy victory and many scalps.

To their surprise, they received a terrible thrashing from a most unexpected quarter. The worshippers were always armed, but were innocent of military knowledge and experience. A stranger worshipping with them suddenly took command, enabling them to bring their fire so effectively to bear that their destruction was averted. This was no angel from God sent for deliverance, but General Goffe, one of the Cromwellian judges who had condemned Charles I to the executioner's block. Forsaking his homeland for safety, he See footnotes at end of chapter.

During the as- sault on Groton "one of the first houses that the Enemy destroyed in this place, was the House of God. Willard having had the foresight to fortify it sufficiently. Nonetheless, their taunts lingered long after the battle: Cotton Mather com- mented when a church was laid waste by alluding to Revelation 2, "another Candlestick removed out of its place. Noyes ministered to a Connecticut regiment while Nowell served soldiers from Massachusetts.

In this particular action Chaplain Nowell gained renown as a hero. Referring to his well known sermon preached to the artillerymen of Massachusetts entitled "Abraham in Arms" a contemporary historian referred to him as "This now revered, and afterwards worshipful person, a chaplain to the army," going on to say that "at this fight there was no person more like a true son of Abraham in Arms, or that with more courage and hazardy fought in the midst of a shower of bullets from the surrounding savages.

Secure and comfortable within their pal- lisades, the Indians hardly expected to be alarmed in the dead of winter. Bursting suddenly upon them, the colonists leaped over the "trees of death" into the aroused fury of an enemy who fought with everything to lose. Six colonial captains were slain, and twenty-two Indian chieftains were numbered among the corpses. All told the English suffered eighty-five sol- diers killed and wounded. Lost by the Indians to the combina- tion of musket, sword, and flame — the compound was fired — were nearly one thousand warriors, women, and children.

Those escap- ing to the swamp were not necessarily fortunate when one con- siders that they perished from hunger and cold in this icy hell. Chaplain Dudley's estimate of the number of casualties was limited only to warriors, about After the war he was called by unanimous vote to be the pastor of the church at Salem, Massachusetts. The Noyes Genealogy records that "he officiated as clergyman at the hanging of the witches, Sept. Gratefully we learn that "with the morning cool repentance came. Five tribes situated themselves along the Connecticut River.

Once again they failed to reckon with the daring and traditional English bull-dog spirit. Growing lax in their security, the Indians put out few sen- tries. An expedition of only men — both standing force and volunteers — formed at Hatfield with the mission of destroying the enemy by a surprise attack. Hope Atherton, minister of the gospel, at Hatfield, a gentleman of publick spirit, accompanied the army. Only one tense moment occurred. Far out on the periphery an enemy sen- tinel heard the sound of horses. Learn more about Amazon Prime. This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it.

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Journal Of Army Life By R Glisan

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