LImperatore Del Mondo ( il Filantropo ) (Italian Edition)

L'Imperatore Del Mondo (il Filantropo) (Italian Edition) eBook: Romy Beat: leondumoulin.nl: Kindle Store.
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Explicitly or implicitly, more or less consciously, he asks, "What is the utility to me of adding one more animal to my herd? Adding together the component partial utilities, the rational herdsman concludes that the only sensible course for him to pursue is to add another animal to his herd. And another; and another But this is the conclusion reached by each and every rational herdsman sharing a commons. Therein is the tragedy. Each man is locked into a system that compels him to increase his herd without limit--in a world that is limited. Ruin is the destination toward which all men rush, each pursuing his own best interest in a society that believes in the freedom of the commons.

Freedom in a commons brings ruin to all. Some would say that this is a platitude. Would that it were! In a sense, it was learned thousands of years ago, but natural selection favors the forces of psychological denial 8. The individual benefits as an individual from his ability to deny the truth even though society as a whole, of which he is a part, suffers. Education can counteract the natural tendency to do the wrong thing, but the inexorable succession of generations requires that the basis for this knowledge be constantly refreshed. A simple incident that occurred a few years ago in Leominster, Massachusetts, shows how perishable the knowledge is.

During the Christmas shopping season the parking meters downtown were covered with plastic bags that bore tags reading: Free parking courtesy of the mayor and city council. Cynically, we suspect that they gained more votes than they lost by this retrogressive act. In an approximate way, the logic of the commons has been understood for a long time, perhaps since the discovery of agriculture or the invention of private property in real estate. But it is understood mostly only in special cases which are not sufficiently generalized.

Even at this late date, cattlemen leasing national land on the western ranges demonstrate no more than an ambivalent understanding, in constantly pressuring federal authorities to increase the head count to the point where overgrazing produces erosion and weed-dominance. Likewise, the oceans of the world continue to suffer from the survival of the philosophy of the commons.

Maritime nations still respond automatically to the shibboleth of the "freedom of the seas. The National Parks present another instance of the working out of the tragedy of the commons. At present, they are open to all, without limit. The parks themselves are limited in extent--there is only one Yosemite Valley--whereas population seems to grow without limit. The values that visitors seek in the parks are steadily eroded. Plainly, we must soon cease to treat the parks as commons or they will be of no value to anyone.

What shall we do? We have several options. We might sell them off as private property. We might keep them as public property, but allocate the right to enter them. The allocation might be on the basis of wealth, by the use of an auction system. It might be on the basis of merit, as defined by some agreed-upon standards. It might be by lottery. Or it might be on a first-come, first-served basis, administered to long queues.

These, I think, are all the reasonable possibilities. They are all objectionable. But we must choose--or acquiesce in the destruction of the commons that we call our National Parks. In a reverse way, the tragedy of the commons reappears in problems of pollution. Here it is not a question of taking something out of the commons, but of putting something in--sewage, or chemical, radioactive, and heat wastes into water; noxious and dangerous fumes into the air, and distracting and unpleasant advertising signs into the line of sight.

The calculations of utility are much the same as before. The rational man finds that his share of the cost of the wastes he discharges into the commons is less than the cost of purifying his wastes before releasing them. Since this is true for everyone, we are locked into a system of "fouling our own nest," so long as we behave only as independent, rational, free-enterprisers. The tragedy of the commons as a food basket is averted by private property, or something formally like it. But the air and waters surrounding us cannot readily be fenced, and so the tragedy of the commons as a cesspool must be prevented by different means, by coercive laws or taxing devices that make it cheaper for the polluter to treat his pollutants than to discharge them untreated.

We have not progressed as far with the solution of this problem as we have with the first. Indeed, our particular concept of private property, which deters us from exhausting the positive resources of the earth, favors pollution. The owner of a factory on the bank of a stream--whose property extends to the middle of the stream, often has difficulty seeing why it is not his natural right to muddy the waters flowing past his door.

The law, always behind the times, requires elaborate stitching and fitting to adapt it to this newly perceived aspect of the commons. The pollution problem is a consequence of population. It did not much matter how a lonely American frontiersman disposed of his waste.

See a Problem?

But as population became denser, the natural chemical and biological recycling processes became overloaded, calling for a redefinition of property rights. Analysis of the pollution problem as a function of population density uncovers a not generally recognized principle of morality, namely: Using the commons as a cesspool does not harm the general public under frontier conditions, because there is no public, the same behavior in a metropolis is unbearable.

A hundred and fifty years ago a plainsman could kill an American bison, cut out only the tongue for his dinner, and discard the rest of the animal. He was not in any important sense being wasteful. Today, with only a few thousand bison left, we would be appalled at such behavior. In passing, it is worth noting that the morality of an act cannot be determined from a photograph.

One does not know whether a man killing an elephant or setting fire to the grassland is harming others until one knows the total system in which his act appears. It is as tempting to ecologists as it is to reformers in general to try to persuade others by way of the photographic shortcut. But the essense of an argument cannot be photographed: That morality is system-sensitive escaped the attention of most codifiers of ethics in the past. The laws of our society follow the pattern of ancient ethics, and therefore are poorly suited to governing a complex, crowded, changeable world. Our epicyclic solution is to augment statutory law with administrative law.

Since it is practically impossible to spell out all the conditions under which it is safe to burn trash in the back yard or to run an automobile without smog-control, by law we delegate the details to bureaus. The result is administrative law, which is rightly feared for an ancient reason-- Quis custodiet ipsos custodes? Prohibition is easy to legislate though not necessarily to enforce ; but how do we legislate temperance? Experience indicates that it can be accomplished best through the mediation of administrative law.

We limit possibilities unnecessarily if we suppose that the sentiment of Quis custodiet denies us the use of administrative law. We should rather retain the phrase as a perpetual reminder of fearful dangers we cannot avoid. The great challenge facing us now is to invent the corrective feedbacks that are needed to keep custodians honest. We must find ways to legitimate the needed authority of both the custodians and the corrective feedbacks.

The tragedy of the commons is involved in population problems in another way. In a world governed solely by the principle of "dog eat dog"--if indeed there ever was such a world--how many children a family had would not be a matter of public concern. Parents who bred too exuberantly would leave fewer descendants, not more, because they would be unable to care adequately for their children.

David Lack and others have found that such a negative feedback demonstrably controls the fecundity of birds But men are not birds, and have not acted like them for millenniums, at least. If each human family were dependent only on its own resources; if the children of improvident parents starved to death; if , thus, overbreeding brought its own "punishment" to the germ line-- then there would be no public interest in controlling the breeding of families.

But our society is deeply committed to the welfare state 12 , and hence is confronted with another aspect of the tragedy of the commons. In a welfare state, how shall we deal with the family, the religion, the race, or the class or indeed any distinguishable and cohesive group that adopts overbreeding as a policy to secure its own aggrandizement 13? To couple the concept of freedom to breed with the belief that everyone born has an equal right to the commons is to lock the world into a tragic course of action. Unfortunately this is just the course of action that is being pursued by the United Nations.

In late , some 30 nations agreed to the following The Universal Declaration of Human Rights describes the family as the natural and fundamental unit of society. It follows that any choice and decision with regard to the size of the family must irrevocably rest with the family itself, and cannot be made by anyone else.

It is painful to have to deny categorically the validity of this right; denying it, one feels as uncomfortable as a resident of Salem, Massachusetts, who denied the reality of witches in the 17th century. At the present time, in liberal quarters, something like a taboo acts to inhibit criticism of the United Nations. There is a feeling that the United Nations is "our last and best hope," that we shouldn't find fault with it; we shouldn't play into the hands of the archconservatives. However, let us not forget what Robert Louis Stevenson said: We should also join with Kingsley Davis 15 in attempting to get Planned Parenthood-World Population to see the error of its ways in embracing the same tragic ideal.

It is a mistake to think that we can control the breeding of mankind in the long run by an appeal to conscience. Charles Galton Darwin made this point when he spoke on the centennial of the publication of his grandfather's great book. The argument is straightforward and Darwinian. Confronted with appeals to limit breeding, some people will undoubtedly respond to the plea more than others. Those who have more children will produce a larger fraction of the next generation than those with more susceptible consciences. The difference will be accentuated, generation by generation.

The argument assumes that conscience or the desire for children no matter which is hereditary--but hereditary only in the most general formal sense. The result will be the same whether the attitude is transmitted through germ cells, or exosomatically, to use A. If one denies the latter possibility as well as the former, then what's the point of education? The argument has here been stated in the context of the population problem, but it applies equally well to any instance in which society appeals to an individual exploiting a commons to restrain himself for the general good--by means of his conscience.

To make such an appeal is to set up a selective system that works toward the elimination of conscience from the race. The long-term disadvantage of an appeal to conscience should be enough to condemn it; but has serious short-term disadvantages as well. If we ask a man who is exploiting a commons to desist "in the name of conscience," what are we saying to him? What does he hear?

Sooner or later, consciously or subconsciously, he senses that he has received two communications, and that they are contradictory: Everyman then is caught in what Bateson has called a "double bind. The double bind may not always be so damaging, but it always endangers the mental health of anyone to whom it is applied. To conjure up a conscience in others is tempting to anyone who wishes to extend his control beyond the legal limits.

Leaders at the highest level succumb to this temptation. Has any President during the past generation failed to call on labor unions to moderate voluntarily their demands for higher wages, or to steel companies to honor voluntary guidelines on prices? I can recall none. The rhetoric used on such occasions is designed to produce feelings of guilt in noncooperators. For centuries it was assumed without proof that guilt was a valuable, perhaps even an indispensable, ingredient of the civilized life. Now, in this post-Freudian world, we doubt it. Paul Goodman speaks from the modern point of view when he says: The guilty do not pay attention to the object but only to themselves, and not even to their own interests, which might make sense, but to their anxieties" One does not have to be a professional psychiatrist to see the consequences of anxiety.

We in the Western world are just emerging from a dreadful two-centuries-long Dark Ages of Eros that was sustained partly by prohibition laws, but perhaps more effectively by the anxiety-generating mechanism of education. Alex Comfort has told the story well in The Anxiety Makers 19 ; it is not a pretty one. Since proof is difficult, we may even concede that the results of anxiety may sometimes, from certain points of view, be desirable.

The larger question we should ask is whether, as a matter of policy, we should ever encourage the use of a technique the tendency if not the intention of which is psychologically pathogenic. We hear much talk these days of responsible parenthood; the coupled words are incorporated into the titles of some organizations devoted to birth control. Some people have proposed massive propaganda campaigns to instill responsibility into the nation's or the world's breeders. But what is the meaning of the word responsibility in this context? Is it not merely a synonym for the word conscience?

When we use the word responsibility in the absence of substantial sanctions are we not trying to browbeat a free man in a commons into acting against his own interest? Responsibility is a verbal counterfeit for a substantial quid pro quo. It is an attempt to get something for nothing. If the word responsibility is to be used at all, I suggest that it be in the sense Charles Frankel uses it The social arrangements that produce responsibility are arrangements that create coercion, of some sort.

The man who takes money from a bank acts as if the bank were a commons. How do we prevent such action? Certainly not by trying to control his behavior solely by a verbal appeal to his sense of responsibility. Rather than rely on propaganda we follow Frankel's lead and insist that a bank is not a commons; we seek the definite social arrangements that will keep it from becoming a commons.

That we thereby infringe on the freedom of would-be robbers we neither deny nor regret. The morality of bank-robbing is particularly easy to understand because we accept complete prohibition of this activity. We are willing to say "Thou shalt not rob banks," without providing for exceptions. But temperance also can be created by coercion. Taxing is a good coercive device. To keep downtown shoppers temperate in their use of parking space we introduce parking meters for short periods, and traffic fines for longer ones. We need not actually forbid a citizen to park as long as he wants to; we need merely make it increasingly expensive for him to do so.

Not prohibition, but carefully biased options are what we offer him. A Madison Avenue man might call this persuasion; I prefer the greater candor of the word coercion. Coercion is a dirty word to most liberals now, but it need not forever be so. As with the four-letter words, its dirtiness can be cleansed away by exposure to the light, by saying it over and over without apology or embarrassment. To many, the word coercion implies arbitrary decisions of distant and irresponsible bureaucrats; but this is not a necessary part of its meaning.

The only kind of coercion I recommend is mutual coercion, mutually agreed upon by the majority of the people affected. To say that we mutually agree to coercion is not to say that we are required to enjoy it, or even to pretend we enjoy it. We all grumble about them. But we accept compulsory taxes because we recognize that voluntary taxes would favor the conscienceless. We institute and grumblingly support taxes and other coercive devices to escape the horror of the commons.

An alternative to the commons need not be perfectly just to be preferable. With real estate and other material goods, the alternative we have chosen is the institution of private property coupled with legal inheritance. Is this system perfectly just? As a genetically trained biologist I deny that it is. It seems to me that, if there are to be differences in individual inheritance, legal possession should be perfectly correlated with biological inheritance--that those who are biologically more fit to be the custodians of property and power should legally inherit more.

But genetic recombination continually makes a mockery of the doctrine of "like father, like son" implicit in our laws of legal inheritance. An idiot can inherit millions, and a trust fund can keep his estate intact.


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We must admit that our legal system of private property plus inheritance is unjust--but we put up with it because we are not convinced, at the moment, that anyone has invented a better system. The alternative of the commons is too horrifying to contemplate. Injustice is preferable to total ruin. It is one of the peculiarities of the warfare between reform and the status quo that it is thoughtlessly governed by a double standard.

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Whenever a reform measure is proposed it is often defeated when its opponents triumphantly discover a flaw in it. As Kingsley Davis has pointed out 21 , worshippers of the status quo sometimes imply that no reform is possible without unanimous agreement, an implication contrary to historical fact. As nearly as I can make out, automatic rejection of proposed reforms is based on one of two unconscious assumptions: But we can never do nothing.

That which we have done for thousands of years is also action. It also produces evils. Once we are aware that the status quo is action, we can then compare its discoverable advantages and disadvantages with the predicted advantages and disadvantages of the proposed reform, discounting as best we can for our lack of experience. On the basis of such a comparison, we can make a rational decision which will not involve the unworkable assumption that only perfect systems are tolerable.

Perhaps the simplest summary of this analysis of man's population problems is this: As the human population has increased, the commons has had to be abandoned in one aspect after another.


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    • First we abandoned the commons in food gathering, enclosing farm land and restricting pastures and hunting and fishing areas. These restrictions are still not complete throughout the world. Somewhat later we saw that the commons as a place for waste disposal would also have to be abandoned. Restrictions on the disposal of domestic sewage are widely accepted in the Western world; we are still struggling to close the commons to pollution by automobiles, factories, insecticide sprayers, fertilizing operations, and atomic energy installations.

    In a still more embryonic state is our recognition of the evils of the commons in matters of pleasure. There is almost no restriction on the propagation of sound waves in the public medium. The shopping public is assaulted with mindless music, without its consent. Our government is paying out billions of dollars to create supersonic transport which will disturb 50, people for every one person who is whisked from coast to coast 3 hours faster.

    Advertisers muddy the airwaves of radio and television and pollute the view of travelers.

    L'imperatore del mondo vol.1: Il filantropo

    We are a long way from outlawing the commons in matters of pleasure. Is this because our Puritan inheritance makes us view pleasure as something of a sin, and pain that is, the pollution of advertising as the sign of virtue? Every new enclosure of the commons involves the infringement of somebody's personal liberty. Infringements made in the distant past are accepted because no contemporary complains of a loss. It is the newly proposed infringements that we vigorously oppose; cries of "rights" and "freedom" fill the air.

    But what does "freedom" mean? When men mutually agreed to pass laws against robbing, mankind became more free, not less so. Individuals locked into the logic of the commons are free only to bring on universal ruin once they see the necessity of mutual coercion, they become free to pursue other goals.

    I believe it was Hegel who said, "Freedom is the recognition of necessity. The most important aspect of necessity that we must now recognize, is the necessity of abandoning the commons in breeding. No technical solution can rescue us from the misery of overpopulation. Freedom to breed will bring ruin to all. At the moment, to avoid hard decisions many of us are tempted to propagandize for conscience and responsible parenthood. The temptation must be resisted, because an appeal to independently acting consciences selects for the disappearance of all conscience in the long run, and an increase in anxiety in the short.

    The only way we can preserve and nurture other and more precious freedoms is by relinquishing the freedom to breed, and that very soon. Only so, can we put an end to this aspect of the tragedy of the commons. Puoi dominare un elefante pazzo Puoi chiudere la bocca all'orso e alla tigre Puoi cavalcare un leone Puoi scherzare col cobra Con l'alchimia puoi protrarre la tua esistenza Puoi girare, incognito, l'universo Puoi rendere servi gli dei Puoi rimanere giovane eternamente Puoi camminare sull'acqua e vivere nel fuoco.

    Questo vale non solo per le relazioni fra adulti,. Learning is necessary in an environment of flux and uncertainty. A maxim commonly uttered by biologists goes something like: This is often not taken seriously by traditional denominational. Peter Senge , in The Fifth Discipline , gives insight to religious organizations.

    Adaptive learning and generative learning are both necessary.

    Il ritorno del gladiatore più forte del mondo. (1971) con Brad Harris _ Film Completo Ita

    Adaptive learning is about responding to the changing environment,. Leadership Without Easy Answers. Heifetz makes the distinction between technical challenges and adaptive challenges. Technical challenges are problems that can be fixed with technical answers and resources. They are relatively simple to fix and an expert or a lucky person can give the right answer that will solve the problem. Adaptive challenges are those for which no simple answer exists. Hefeitz identifies the need for the leader facing an adaptive challenge to create a holding environment.

    To offer or prescribe solutions from on high in order to alleviate the discomfort of the heat would preclude the people from being able to authentically engage and respond to the adaptive challenge. A temptation for leaders can be to offer technical solutions. The disciplined, humble leader will not yield. This desire for an answer from a higher or external authority. Facing adaptive change is hard work in a discomfiting environment.

    When either the burden or the anxiety becomes too threatening. And there can be great immediate emotional reward. People can be comforted by a so-called strong leader. But there is another kind of strength. A good leader must have the strength to endure. If there is not enough distress or pressure,.

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    If there is too much distress from disappointed expectations, the people can give up. All of this regulated distress is in service to the end of helping create a learning organization. Both Senge and Heifetz affirm that the role of the leader for leading. The leader for change must be a learner who demonstrates. Cultivating spiritual connections among leaders and between leaders and God is at the heart of the discernment process for the Christian ministry of the presbytery. In the life of the church this is a spiritual discernment,. Prayer and spiritual attention.

    My goal is to build a new expectation: We do not need a plan for the next technical and programmatic steps as much as we need a plan for learning how to learn so that we can change continually, constantly adapting to the changing mission environment that surrounds us. The Presbytery of Los Ranchos needs to develop a new way. Scott asks the question: He's working on a book to answer that question. How can a lecturer use attention, but make sure not to abuse it? Or put another way, does repetitive use of phasic alertness, getting an audience to refocus their attention ever few minutes, have declining effects over time?

    I do not believe in entertainment in teaching, during the holy time information is being transferred from one person to another. I do believe in engagement, however, and there is one crucial distinction that separates the two: Cracking a joke for the sake of a break, or telling an irrelevant anecdote at a strategic time is a form of patronizing, and students everywhere can detect it, usually with resentment, inattention or both. Do you think the size of a classroom has any effect on students ability to pay attention?

    The behavior has to do with our confounded predilection for socializing. People behave very differently in large crowds than they do in small crowds or even one on one. Very different teaching strategies must be deployed for each. Perhaps it is a lack of content knowledge. If I had my way, every teacher on the planet would take two courses: First, an acting course, the only star in the academic firmament capable of teaching people how to manipulate their bodies and voices i to project information.

    Second, a cognitive neuroscience course, one that teaches people how the brain learns, so teachers can understand that such projections follow specific rules of engagement. La pubblicazione di un piccolo libro e una grande manifestazione popolare, pochi giorni fa, ci hanno messi di fronte a una domanda essenziale per la democrazia.

    La manifestazione sono le centinaia di migliaia di persone convenute in piazza San Giovanni a Roma, per protestare contro la legge finanziaria e soprattutto per rinnovare il carisma del leader e di nuovo esibirlo coram populo. Un libro e una manifestazione di piazza: Eccoci allora alla domanda: Questa summa divisio fa oggi passare in seconda linea altre polarizzazioni politiche.

    Destra e sinistra, progressisti e conservatori, laici e credenti, sono divisioni importanti, ma vengono dopo e sono interne a quella principale, tra coloro che sanno interessarsi solo al loro presente e coloro che sanno concepirlo come premessa di un avvenire comune. Ma, su questo, nessuna parola. Naturalmente, i motivi di paura reali, di cui non si ha il controllo, quelli occorre minimizzarli o occultarli. Le risorse energetiche sono alla fine?

    I ghiacci polari si sciolgono? Lo stesso per le inquietudini morali. Le disuguaglianze nel mondo aumentano progressivamente? Se ne prendono elementi diversi per costruire una nozione indicante un ambito di rapporti sociali che si collocano prima e fuori dei rapporti di potere pubblico ma si elevano al di sopra dei meri interessi particolari e pongono al potere politico disinteressate ma stringenti domande.

    A condizione che possano sprigionare energie sociali al loro esterno, le strutture sociali comunitarie sono viste con favore: Ma una classe politica non totalmente dedita alla propria auto-riproduzione farebbe bene a prestare attenzione e, anzi, a valorizzare questa risorsa della vita sociale. Nel corso di tre secoli, questa corsa al successo e al prestigio fece il deserto attorno a loro.

    Furono abbattuti i grandi banani il cui tronco serviva a muovere i massi scolpiti e a rizzarli nei campi. La Democrazia del cittadino partecipe, informato e dissenziente democraticamente. Il presidente Napolitano opera per evitare la violenza. Non si trattava invece proprio di permettere a tutti di partecipare alle elezioni? Naturalmente, chi intende partecipare all'elezione deve sottostare ad alcuni ovvi adempimenti circa la presentazione delle candidature.

    Qualcuno non ha rispettato le regole. Ma se qualcuno, per colpa sua, non ne approfitta, con chi bisogna prendersela: Ora, il decreto del governo dice: In passato, quante sono state le esclusioni dalle elezioni di candidati e liste, per gli stessi motivi di oggi? La legge garantiva l'uguaglianza nella partecipazione. Il tarlo sta proprio in quel "principale". Nelle elezioni non ci sono "principali" a priori. Come devono sentirsi i "secondari"?

    Anche lei, come l'ex presidente Onida, considera il dl una legge ad personam? Abbiamo perso il significato della legge. L'articolo 15, al comma 2, fa divieto di usare il decreto "in materia elettorale". Quindi, nel merito, il decreto viola la Costituzione? Siamo di fronte a una semplice norma interpretativa? E la soluzione trovata per Milano? Le formule usate per risolvere il problema milanese sono talmente generiche da permettere ai giudici, in caso di difetti nella certificazione, di fare quello che vogliono. Lei boccia del tutto il decreto? Di Pietro e Napolitano. Quali sono le condizioni cui alludo?

    Sono una sorta di violenza latente che talora viene anche minacciata. Ma Di Pietro, nella firma del Presidente, vede un attentato. Le prossime manifestazioni e le centinaia di messaggi sul web non rischiano di produrre una spirale inarrestabile? Speriamo che ci si riesca. Gustavo Zagrebelsky e Isabelle Filliozat: La raison seule ne peut leur faire obstacle. I Paradossi della cultura del controllo. Il voler stare meglio L'Ensorcellement du monde , p. Le principal ressort du pouvoir, qu'il soit religieux ou politique: Roland Jaccard Dictionnaire du parfait cynique.

    L'imperatore del mondo vol Il filantropo by Romy Beat

    Tutti noi siamo in qualche misura inclini al pregiudizio. Inoltre, "questi giudizi o idee sbagliate hanno tratto in inganno persino chi i comportamenti umani li studia per professione" dice Paola Emilia Cicerone nel suo articolo "Basta crederci" per la rivista Newton. Murrow, un giornalista disse: Un'enciclopedia lo definisce "opinione che ci si forma senza prendersi il tempo o preoccuparsi di giudicare imparzialmente". Secondo Werner Bergmann "i pregiudizi si possono definire giudizi affrettati, che vengono formulati partendo da una base di dati non falsa ma troppo scarsa.

    E tuttavia possono essere mantenute anche quando si conosce bene l'oggetto del pregiudizio e si sono raccolte maggiori informazioni sul suo conto", e poi aggiunge, i pregiudizi sono giudizi che non si lasciano modificare nemmeno da informazioni che li contraddicono: Che dire di voi personalmente? Sapreste distinguere un buon giudizio dal pregiudizio? Quello che si dice sui testimoni di Geova sono constatazioni vere o pregiudizi? Sapete valutare obbiettivamente le informazioni se sono degne di fiducia?

    Un redattore di Testimoni di Geova Online si ricordo, quando era ancora a scuola un esperimento che il professore di scienza gli fece a scuola per aiutare gli alunni a capire come fare ricerche che abbiano un valore scientifico. Come potete immaginare alcuni azzeccarono altri no. Shawn Mcconnell marked it as to-read Nov 26, Christine Groce marked it as to-read Nov 26, Kelly Barker marked it as to-read Nov 26, Echo marked it as to-read Nov 26, Kim Coomey marked it as to-read Nov 26, Danica marked it as to-read Nov 26, Maxine marked it as to-read Nov 27, Kim marked it as to-read Nov 27, Grace marked it as to-read Nov 27, Karen Campbell marked it as to-read Nov 27, Arthur marked it as to-read Nov 27, Susan marked it as to-read Nov 27, Neola marked it as to-read Nov 27, Jason marked it as to-read Nov 27, Linda marked it as to-read Nov 27, John Lee marked it as to-read Nov 27, Donna marked it as to-read Nov 27, Kay Butz marked it as to-read Nov 27, Margaret marked it as to-read Nov 27, Michael Bannon marked it as to-read Nov 27, Cheryl marked it as to-read Nov 27, Heather marked it as to-read Nov 27, Joel Voth marked it as to-read Nov 27, Amanda Torres marked it as to-read Nov 27, There are no discussion topics on this book yet.

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