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The subsequent section will then summarize three key models of the development of spoken word recognition. They found that Canadian English‐​learning 6–7 month olds discriminated non‐native which along with other cognitive changes around that age focuses infants' attention toward the phonemes and contrasts.
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Theories of the origin of the merger exist, with two competing scenarios. One group of scholars [ who? Dollinger , [17] in which a role is afforded to Canadian English, where the spread from East to West was completed more quickly than in the US. Others consider the issue unresolved Boberg ? In London's Cockney accent, a cot—caught merger is possible only in rapid speech. Outside North America, another dialect featuring the merger is Scottish English. Like in New England English, the cot—caught merger occurred without the father—bother merger.


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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. English sound change causing "cot" and "caught" to be pronounced the same. Cot and caught in American English. This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it.

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December University of Edinburgh. Retrieved Language attitudes in Pittsburgh: 'Pittsburghese' vs. Master's thesis. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh.

IPA Vowel Symbols

New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Language and Linguistics Compass. The English language in Canada. Cambridge: Cambridge. Categories : English dialects Splits and mergers in English phonology. Hidden categories: Use American English from March All Wikipedia articles written in American English Articles with short description Articles with hAudio microformats All articles with specifically marked weasel-worded phrases Articles with specifically marked weasel-worded phrases from November Articles to be expanded from December All articles to be expanded Articles using small message boxes.

Similarly, vowels preceded by glides, as in weed or you , are best avoided, as it is difficult to determine reliably where the consonants ends and the vowel begins in such tokens. A related requirement in selecting tokens for analysis is that they should occur in different phonological environments. Our view of the acoustic position of a vowel might be skewed if, for instance, all our tokens should have coronal onsets. Following liquids and nasals require special attention.

The influence of a following lateral is often quite strong as well. Similarly, tokens with following nasals may need to be analyzed separately because of the strong effect of nasals on the quality of a preceding vowel, which can lead to marked allophonic differentiation between nasal and non-nasal tokens, for example, in short- a , as in ban and sad , in many dialects of American English ANAE: ch.

The influence of a following nasal can also lead to the loss of phonemic distinctions between vowels, as in the pin-pen merger ANAE: 67; Baranowski in press; Brown In the cot-caught merger, tokens followed by nasals and laterals tend to be higher and more retracted than when followed by other consonants, therefore they should be analyzed separately.

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Without tokens measured in both positions, coded separately, it would have been difficult to spot such differentiation. Assuming that checked and free vowels are coded separately, the minimum number of tokens required for analysis in each category ranges from ten to fifteen. This way, the complete vowel system of a speaker of American English can be captured with the measurement of to tokens. Whilst more tokens can be measured if we are particularly interested a phoneme undergoing a change or if there are lexical effects at play, it is probably not a good idea to include more than three or four tokens of the same word.

The number of points of formant measurement in the vowel can vary from a single point in the nucleus with another at the glide to a measurement at regular intervals, for example, every 10 milliseconds, throughout the duration of the vowel. The choice is determined by the research questions of the study. Vowel trajectories, for example, are best studied with multiple points. However, while multiple measurement points can give us a wealth of information about the trajectory of a vowel, they make comparing large numbers of tokens and speakers difficult.

In order to illuminate the mechanisms of language variation and change, we often need to compare speakers representing different generations and social groups. A single point of measurement in the vowel nucleus and another at the glide has proved to be effective at distinguishing social groups and dialect regions and identifying leaders of linguistic change. This is the approach adopted in the ANAE, which had been pioneered in LYS and has been used in numerous sociophonetic studies of vowels since, for example, Baranowski , Boberg , Conn , Dinkin , Labov , , There are two main approaches to this problem.

One is to select a point after some specified amount of time from the beginning of the vowel, in order to avoid the transition from the preceding consonant. All tokens are then normally measured at the same point in time, for example, 50 milliseconds. More commonly, the point is identified as a proportion of the duration of the vowel.

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Evanini tested a number of different percentage points, comparing the resulting measurements with the ANAE measurements selected individually for each token using the same tokens, and concluded that whilst for monophthongs the 50 percent point is usually fine, the best point for diphthongs is earlier, at around 30 percent of the vowel duration. The other approach is to try to select a point in time that is the best indication of the central tendency of the nucleus of the vowel, that is, its most important perceptual cue, which may be different for different phonemes ANAE: This is usually a point of inflection where the tongue has reached an extreme position in the nucleus before it starts moving into the glide.

For short monophthongal vowels and for long upgliding vowels, this usually coincides with the lowest position of the tongue, indicated by a maximum F1 and a steady state, before it moves up again for the production of the glide or consonantal transition; the F2 is taken at the same point in time. The central tendency of ingliding vowels does not coincide with a steady state in F1 but rather with a movement towards and then away from the front or back periphery of the system.

In such cases, the point of measurement is at the maximum F2, indicating the maximum peripheral displacement of the tongue, with F1 measured at the same point. For ingliding vowels at the back of the vowel space, as in the long-o vowel caught, off in New York City or Philadelphia Labov , a the maximum displacement of the tongue towards the periphery of the system is indicated by a minimum F2, which is where the formant measurement is taken for such vowels.


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The is the approach taken in the ANAE and in many other large-scale studies of vowel variation and change, for example, Baranowski in press , Boberg , and Dinkin This method of selecting the point of measurement, individually for each token, while ultimately more accurate and therefore better for the purposes of investigating the often subtle differences found between speakers in studies of sound change in progress, is fairly time consuming, as it requires the visual and auditory inspection of each token.

There is ongoing work on improving the accuracy of automatic formant measurement for the purposes of studying vowel variation and change. Although more work is needed—high vowels do not yet reach the level of accuracy obtained for non-high vowels—and the need for a complete transcript is a potential resource issue, this is the direction in which the field is moving, particularly for studies involving large numbers of tokens.

However, for smaller sociophonetic projects, with a limited number of speakers and tokens, selecting the point of measurement individually for each token may still be the best approach.

Once the point of measurement is selected, the values obtained are logged in a text file, together with the appropriate vowel code, along with additional coding, for example, for style, which is then imported for plotting and statistical analyses. The logging of the measurements, even when the measurement point is selected individually for each token, can be automated with the help of a Praat script. Before the measurements can be analyzed statistically, a critical next step is correcting gross errors and identifying outliers through the visual inspection of the vowel plots for each speaker.

Gross errors are often due to the miscoding of a token as belonging to the wrong vowel class; such tokens can be easily spotted on a vowel plot because they usually occupy an unexpected position on the F1-F2 plane.

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There may also be tokens coded correctly that are clearly separated from the other tokens of the same phoneme. It is important to listen to those tokens and re-measure them if necessary. For example, if a vowel that looks to be much fronter than the other tokens of the same phoneme does not sound fronter than the other tokens, then this is most likely a measurement error, due to the influence of the surrounding consonants.

If, however, it does sound p. It is much more than a plotting system—for many researchers, it is an indispensible analytical tool. It is used to display complete vowel systems or selected subsystems, for example, back upgling vowels, short vowels, and the like, or selected phonemes or tokens. Plotnik automates the coding of tokens for their phonological environment on the basis of the spelling of the word, so that we can quickly display or highlight vowels with, for example, following nasals or liquids, or voiceless consonants; the selection criteria can also include style and stress. It calculates and displays mean values excluding tokens before nasals and laterals and standard deviations for all or selected vowels, and calculates T-tests of statistical significance between the mean positions of any two vowels.

Tokens can be labeled automatically and connections between nuclei and glides can be plotted. Because young children, women, and men have different vocal tract lengths, and consequently different formant values for the same vowel phonemes, their formant measurements cannot be directly compared unless they are adjusted through normalization. The main goal of vowel normalization in sociophonetic studies is to eliminate variation due to the physical differences between speakers while preserving dialectal or sociolinguistic differences present in the speech community. There are two main approaches to vowel normalization: vowel-intrinsic and vowel-extrinsic.

For example, the method proposed by Syrdal and Gopal computes differences between Bark-converted F0, F1, F2 and F3 to model the degree of vowel advancement and height. One major advantage of vowel-intrinsic methods is that they do not require the measurement of the complete vowel system of a speaker.

In addition, since they do not refer to the other vowels in the system, they work better in comparing language and dialects with different vowel inventories. Their main drawback, however, is that they rely heavily on F3, whose accurate measurement can be problematic. For some voices and in poor-quality recordings, a given setting of p. These methods are also affected by rhoticized vowels, where F3 is lowered. Vowel-extrinsic normalization methods use information on the formants of other vowels usually F1 and F2 of the same speaker. The two most commonly used methods are those devised by Lobanov and Nearey , where the formant values of a token are adjusted through an algorithm using a grand mean of the formant values of all vowel tokens; Lobanov based on z-scores, Nearey based on log-means.

One potential problem with this method is that it assumes a triangular shape of the vowel system, with one vowel at the bottom periphery of the system, whereas many vowel systems, at least in American English, show a butterfly-like pattern, with two low groups of vowels. Nearey is probably the most commonly used method in studies of American English vowels; a modified version is used in the ANAE and is implemented in the Plotnik program. The NORM website Thomas and Kendall provides a tool for normalizing formant measurements using different methods, including the three mentioned above, and discusses their advantages and disadvantages; see also Thomas for an accessible discussion of the differences between different normalization methods.

In fact, the bulk of variationist sociolinguistics dealing with sounds has involved the study of consonantal variation and change.


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Variationist studies of consonants in North America p. The vast majority of consonantal sociolinguistic studies conducted to date, including the ones mentioned earlier, have used impressionistic measurement methods. This is because in many cases, impressionistic analysis has proved sufficient and less time consuming than instrumental analysis. Another reason is that clear-cut correlates of auditory impressions in the acoustic domain have often proved hard to find.

On the other hand, auditory analysis is more subjective and tends to impose binary categorization on what may actually be phonetically gradient phenomena. Foulkes and Docherty stress that the use of instrumental methods, in addition to auditory analysis, can provide us with important new detail, unavailable through impressionistic measurement. Liquids show a particularly high level of variation, both within and across languages.

Although Sproat and Fujimura , using acoustic and X-ray microbeam data, concluded that l-darkening is a purely gradient process, with the p. UTI holds particular promise as it is safer and less intrusive than the other methods, and it offers better coverage of the tongue. The study of rhotics can also benefit from modern instrumental techniques. While there may be some lowering of F3 during apical trills, this is not the case in vernacular Scottish English accents, where F3 is normally flat Stuart-Smith This suggests that acoustic techniques by themselves are not sufficient for a full understanding of the production of different rhotics, and should be supplemented with articulatory methods.

Suprasegmentals have received limited attention in variationist studies in comparison with consonants and, especially, vowels. The areas that have been explored sociophonetically include variation in speech rate, rhythm, and intonation. Kendall looks at variation, both individual and across speakers, in speech rate and silent pause duration in four ethnicities in North Carolina, Ohio, Texas, Washington, DC, and Newfoundland.