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Table of contents

The populist voices of dissent may speak in different languages, but they convey the same sets of messages: against immigration and open borders, globalization and trade, Europeanization and the euro. But the socioeconomic can easily be conjoined with the socio-cultural, as worries about loss of jobs combine with fears of loss of status Gidron and Hall, These are the people—older, less educated, white, male—whose worldview is threatened by changing demographics resulting from rising immigrant populations.

Often, these are the very same people who are equally troubled by intergenerational shifts to post-materialist values such as cosmopolitanism and multiculturalism Inglehart and Norris, These are the people who, while they may remain in favor of economic liberalism, focused on ideas about individual responsibility in the economic realm, reject social liberalism.

The various socio-cultural counter-politics of identity provide another plausible explanation for the rise of populism. After all, particular fears and negative perceptions related to immigration have been around for decades, and more recently at least since the advent of demographic decline, the rise of terrorism, and the mass migration of millions of poor east Europeans including almost a million Muslims from Bosnia and Albania.

And further, why is the socio-cultural demand for populism so acute in some countries affected by mass migration for example, Germany, Sweden, Denmark, France but not in others such as Spain? Finally, the discontents are also political, as people feel their voices no longer matter in the political process. These include not just global or regional decision-making bodies but also big businesses able to use the political system to their advantage, whether in not paying taxes for example, Apple or to get the regulations they want, regardless of their effects on social and environmental policies Hacker and Pierson, Popular disaffection is also locally generated, related to national political systems.

Some issues are related to policies. Others stem from structural changes in political institutions. By opening up access through primaries and referenda, where the most dissatisfied tend to be more motivated to turn out to vote, party leadership contests have largely brought victory for representatives of more extreme positions. Political leaders find themselves with the predicament of being forced to choose between being responsive to citizens, as their elected representatives, or being responsible by honoring supranational commitments Mair, Politics pure and simple also matters, of course.

Mainstream political parties have seemed at a loss with regard to how to respond to populist challengers on the right and on the left. And while the center right has thus appeared to chase after the extreme right on the hot-button issues, the center left has frequently seemed to chase after the center right on those self-same issues. Complicating matters for the European Union is the supranational nature of decision-making, and how this has affected national politics.

A major shift in the structure of national politics across Europe has occurred as a result of new electoral divides. Primaries and referenda, where the most dissatisfied tend to be more motivated to turn out to vote, have largely brought victory for representatives of more extreme positions. In the European Union, multilevel governance puts great strain on member-state democracies, albeit each for different reasons of history, culture, and politics Schmidt, As a result, mainstream politics has found itself under attack from two sides: the rise of populist parties on the one hand, the rise of technocracy on the other Caramani, The only thing these two forces hold in common is their rejection of mainstream party politics, their increasingly negative impact on such politics, and their deleterious effects on liberal democracy Hobolt, ; Kriesi, ; Hooghe and Marks, The danger, as Yascha Mounk argues, is that liberal democracies may end up either with illiberal democracies run by populist demagogues or undemocratic liberalisms governed by technocratic elites Mounk, In sum, the depoliticizing effects of the supranationalization of decision-making, together with the weakening of representative party institutions, offer equally powerful explanations for how and why populism has emerged as a major challenge to mainstream parties and politics.

But again, the question is why, given that this has been a long-term process, aggrieved citizens did not vote for populist parties on the right-wing extremes sooner. Cas Mudde suggests this may be a problem on the supply-side, that is, the absence of charismatic leaders attractive to the general voter for whom to vote Mudde, , p. Populist leaders articulate many more anti-system complaints about what is wrong than spell out proposals about how to fix it, at least until they gain access to power, at which point they may either row back or fast-forward on anti-liberal policies.

But in order to answer this question, we need to focus in on populism itself. By focusing on the sources of the problem, the discussion tends to take populism as a given. Only by taking the ideas and discourse of populist movements and leaders seriously, however, can we come closer to understanding why populist forces have been able to exploit the current rise in citizen discontent for their own purposes.


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Public and scholarly interest in the development of populism has spawned a veritable cottage industry of books and articles on the topic. Empirically, analysts have charted the rise of populism on the extremes of the left and the right, although the large majority are focused on the anti-immigrant, Eurosceptic, anti-euro, and anti-EU parties of the far right for example, Kriesi, , ; Mudde, The high number and wide range of such works suggests that there is no one agreed-upon approach to understanding populism but many possible, most with negative connotations.

Although that purely negative view of populism can be critiqued, in particular by differentiating left-wing from right-wing versions, all populism has one thing in common. But beyond this, populism can follow many different avenues, depending upon the political, social, historical, institutional, and cultural context.

Third, they get their messages out through new strategies of communication, facilitated by the new social media such as Twitter feeds and Facebook as well as the traditional broadcast and print media. And fourth, they articulate many more anti-system complaints about what is wrong than spell out proposals about how to fix it at least until they gain access to power, at which point they may either row back or fast-forward on anti-liberal policies.

Most recent theoretical analyses of populism portray such discursive leadership as a danger for liberal democracy. According to Laclau, populism is identifiable by its conceptual anchor, which stands as a universal representation for all other demands to which it is seen as equivalent. A similar such approach from another philosophical tradition is that of Ernesto Laclau , p.

For many, populism is an unqualified negative phenomenon: anti-democratic, anti-pluralist, and moralistic in extremely dangerous ways. For others, populism can have a more positive side to it.

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This includes the left-wing populist governments of Latin America especially in the s and early s and the inclusionary populisms of southern Europe, most notably in Spain and Greece Weyland, ; Panizza, ; Mudde and Kaltwasser, The extremes on the left in particular, by mobilizing on bases of social justice and human rights as well as against the inequalities caused by the increasing predominance of financial capitalism and its accompanying booms and busts, or by the lack of progressive taxation, can serve as a positive pull on mainstream parties—on the right as much as the left.

The Occupy Movement is a case in point. However, there are many fewer extreme-left parties with a significant popular following than extreme-right parties, and they are often in EU countries that have less political pull or economic weight, in particular those which were subject to formal conditionality for bailouts during the euro crisis that is, Greece; Vasilopoulou, or informal conditionality most notably Spain.

On balance, parties of the extreme right are the ones that appear to have exerted the most influence on political debates and the policy agenda so far, by pulling center-right mainstream parties closer to their positions, especially with regard to opposition to immigration and freedom of movement or minority rights. The existence of different kinds of populist movements on a spectrum from left to right, whatever their relative strength, thus suggests that populism is more than just a discursive style with an anti-elite message.

Although the style of populists may be similar—such as speaking in the name of the people against elites—the content does matter. If it is more progressive and inclusive, it can exert a positive influence on mainstream parties that serves to reinforce liberal democracy. If more regressive and xenophobic, it can exert a negative influence. All populists are not the same, even if their styles may be similar. Note, however, that this approach seems to apply much more to contemporary right populists than left populists.

The danger here is that it undermines the very values—of tolerance, fairness, and even-handed reporting—that have been at the basis of liberal democracy since the postwar period.

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Contemporary populism also goes hand in hand with the new ways in which populists have learned to use new social media to circulate their messages and broaden their networks of support and resource base. Populists rely more on new media for example, YouTube and blogs and social media for example, Twitter and Facebook than traditional parties do. For example, in Spain, Podemos faced down the hostility of newspapers and television outlets with extreme reliance on hyperactive Facebook posts and YouTube channel streaming. Transnational networks of communication enable the spread of populist ideas, reinforcing anger and anti-establishment sentiment.

Populism finds support from activists and social movements on both the left and the right. While it is commonly assumed that the activist networks are primarily engaged in left-leaning causes, right-wing networks have also been active. In the US, the Tea Party is the clearest example, managing to unseat enough incumbents in primaries and to win elections so as to transform the Republican party Skocpol and Williamson, All of this said, populism has also been useful to left-wing activists seeking to enliven their support base March and Mudde, Bernie Sanders in the Democratic primaries of has sometimes been called a populist because of his ability to energize youth via social media, despite or perhaps because of promises that mainstream Democrats claimed were unrealistic.

In many countries, the traditional media has become so fragmented that people listen to different news programs with completely different slants on the news. And, here again, it is mostly the extreme right that largely wins over the left with regard to broadcasting presence, whether in terms of talk radio or cable news, whether Radio Maria in Poland or Fox News in the US.

Moreover, even the mainstream press and TV conspires to favor the extremes on the right, if only inadvertently.

Democratic debate transcript: July 31, 12222

Media communication has also changed in ways that benefit populist messaging. It takes much longer for mainstream leaders to explain why certain kinds of policies are in place, and often these explanations are complex and boring, especially when compared to the snappy slogans of the populists. Populist discourse focuses more on listing grievances and injustices than on laying out policy prescriptions and detailed policy programs. As such, it tends to work best for populists in opposition.

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Beyond this, the social media, social movements, and out-groups have also been increasingly subverting the political agenda-setting function of political parties Caramani, The populist discourse is therefore more likely to focus on listing grievances and injustices rather than laying out policy prescriptions and detailed policy programs. As such, this tends to work best for populists in opposition. Being in government has long entailed compromise or even turn-around on cherished policies Mudde, —as in the case of the left-wing Syriza in Greece.

But recently, such turn-arounds have become less frequent. As more and more populist parties have been joining mainstream party coalitions for example, Austria , or even governing on their own in Italy, Hungary, and Poland , they have been designing and implementing policy agendas that put into effect their anti-liberal ideas, often with only the courts to safeguard the rule of law. Moreover, as the chances of election are increasing for populists across Europe, all such parties have become more specific about their policies and programs.

Free Thought Lives

So, exactly what are the potential dangers when populists gain power? We are left with a number of questions. Is this a moment of great transformation, in which a new paradigm will emerge out of the ashes of the liberal order, with neoliberal economics, social liberalism, and political liberalism succumbing to the closing of borders to immigrants, rising protectionism, social conservatism, and illiberal democracy itself an oxymoron? Will the more balanced and tolerant institutional commitments of political liberalism prevail, along with a perhaps modified economic liberalism in which open borders and free trade are moderated by more attention to those left behind?

For the moment, we cannot know. What we do know is that when populist leaders gain power, they try to make good on their promises, to the detriment of the liberal democratic consensus. So, what is the alternative?


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  • Framing the Future: How Progressive Values Can Win Elections and Influence People by Bernie Horn.

The big question for progressives who seek to maintain liberal democracies is how to counter the populist upsurge with innovative ideas that go beyond neoliberal economics while promoting a renewal of democracy and a more egalitarian society. But this requires not just workable ideas that can provide real solutions to the wide range of problems related to economics, politics, and society.


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