Guide Cuts No Slack : A Novel of the American West

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lucky that they were tight strung so that there was no slack to take some of the Two inch-long cuts on his chest and a deeper, longer one on his foreleg was the “We-ell, I hed a bronk go hog-wild 'n' pop three wires on a fence one time,”.
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But what I suspect really has Beijing freaked out, what really seems to have confirmed that America still has its cherished liberal hegemonic ambition, was the Arab Spring. Is Beijing so wrong, looking out on the smoldering wreckage of Libya and Syria, at the mess that Egypt still remains, to want to avoid that outcome at whatever price? Kissinger once famously said that even a paranoid can have enemies.

What does all this foreign policy stuff have to do with Chinese attitudes toward their government?

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They encourage the basic state-as-family metaphor, something that in the Chinese case is part of the deep structure of Confucian political thinking and is therefore probably easier to nurture than to extirpate. But most people I know who are known to bitch occasionally about their own parents get awfully defensive when people outside the family offer unsolicited criticism.

This seems especially to be the case with mothers. And so it is that many ordinary Chinese citizens, online and inevitably aware now of the timbre of China discourse in English-language media, tend to elide criticism of the state and Party with criticism of China, and take it personally. I tend to like the latter phrasing. But the simple truth is that by many, many measures of human development, the great majority of Chinese people are undeniably better off today than they were before Deng inaugurated reform.


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No thinking Chinese person of my acquaintance believes that the Party or its leadership is anything close to infallible. Most can be quite cynical about the Party, the venality of officials, the hidden factional struggles, the instinct for self-preservation. They still believe, and not entirely without evidence, that the Party leadership is attuned to public opinion and will respond when the will of the people is made manifest.

They support reform, not revolution. In the case of all of them, regardless of what I think of them personally, I regard it as a black mark on the Chinese leadership each time a dissident is locked up for ideology, speech, religious belief, or what have you. There are of course exceptions: some , Americans have, in the last five years, spent time working or studying in China; there are several thousand enrolled in East Asian Studies graduate programs, or taking serious upper-division undergraduate coursework on China, or pursuing an academic discipline that focuses on China; and there are probably a few thousand more who, for personal reasons, have taken more than a passing interest in China and have read a good number of books on contemporary China or on modern Chinese history, have undertaken the study of Chinese, or have otherwise immersed themselves in trying to gain a deeper understanding of China.

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What, though, do we really know about these people? Does it distort? This is not an indictment. These are people who I very much respect — indeed, the very people who these days comprise most of my personal circle of friends — and they are people who have my sympathy for what they must often endure in reporting from China. Seems only natural that this kind of treatment of a journalist anywhere would beget less than rosy coverage of the institutions doling it out.

Negative coverage begets more of that nasty treatment, and so on in a most un-virtuous circle. Should the journalists be faulted for focusing on the things that power, whether political or corporate, wants to hide? Journalism is not about the quotidian. Reporters tend to focus not just on critical intellectuals but on the more outspokenly critical ones, on the full-blown dissidents, on the very vocal activists, on the writers who challenge the establishment on human rights issues, on freedom of speech, on rule of law, on religious policy, on minority nationality policy and so forth.

They set out to excite so no wonder that many of them are exciting. They play to the American love of the underdog. They flatter American values. Dissidents and the more stridently critical intellectuals certainly are part of that dynamic. The general impression is that Anglophone media is pro-dissident, and so dissidents will tend to go on record with or speak at greater length with Anglophone reporters; moderate or pro-Party intellectuals will tend to decline interviews and comment, and the impression that Anglophone media is biased in favor of the dissidents gets reinforced: the narrative that they want is buttressed while the other is marginalized or weakened.

Authoritarian states like China tend to get reported on unfavorably because they behave like authoritarian states. They censor the Internet. And of course journalists in the Anglophone world are themselves on the front lines of these speech and press issues. Related to this, and implicit not just in a lot of media reporting but in general American discourse on China, is the imbalanced and frankly unfair comparison between Chinese realities and American intentions or ideals.

I would hope that everyone would acknowledge at least that history, broadly construed, has a bearing on how much and how fast a polity say, China can change in a given span of time. And, without doubt, there are some for whom motivations include nativist or nationalist ends — perhaps to critics of the Party or to the state it rules no better than self-perpetuation, but not the same thing. They come from two different camps. One camp is critical of the policy of engagement and dismisses as naive fantasy the idea that widening trade, tourism, cultural exchange, bringing Beijing into multinational institutions and so forth would bring about political liberalization.

The other camp is more defensive about China, and argues that China is basically fine as it is and should be left to find its own way forward — that the U. I hold with neither of these, but take lessons from both. The fact is, some American policies and attitudes actually work athwart movement in that positive direction. I do believe that Enlightenment values are the desired end state — not, I hope, out of faith in some grand metahistorical teleology, or out of unexamined post-Cold War triumphalism.

They are open-ended and self-corrective, as the scientific method is. They may have been stumbled upon by historical chance, or perhaps they really did emerge inevitably as a teleological narrative unfolded; that can be debated. But that they represent ultimately an absolute good is not, for me, really in question. I believe that China is only a generation or two from being able to fundamentally change in the direction of more pluralistic politics, greater freedoms of expression, of faith, of assembly. When no one has a living memory of chaos, after all, the now routine invocation of that fear by the Party and its apologists will fall on deaf ears.

A political culture may limit, in the present, the range of possible change. But on the evidence of the obvious, political culture itself is changeable — and so, therefore, is political possibility. A great article but anyone with a brain would pick the U. We left Australia and now love in the alps of Italy a very simple life coming from a controlled commercial world in OZ. Would not go back to that life again, Yes we had money but not community.. One thing China and its people are focused on is community. Having good character means that you have such admirable traits as honesty, responsibility and courage.

It is beneficial for you to have good character. Being honorable and honest in the work you do and in your relations with others are essential in your life. South Korea stayed the course of liberal democracy, overcame famines, warlords, remnants of traditional socitieties etc. So sorry to interrupt your pages of drivel with a simpler thesis: Lots of non European counties with no organic, indigenous forms of liberalism became liberal democracies.

Stop excusing a totalitarian cult that has been in power for half a century and as such, has washed the minds clean of its subjects. This author included. And how does that weigh up against the long long list of failures? Anybody who was anti-democratic could simply just name ten times as many countries as you do.

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Suicide rates in South Korea and Japan are among the highest in the world. There is a huge and growing gap [as in America] between those who are fabulously wealthy and those who are poor. The cost of living is soaring, well-paying jobs are disappearing, and modern South Koreans are neglecting their elders in record numbers. I told many Western people many times: just consider that China has a very popular religion called Unification, most Chinese are practicing this religion, and you will understand many things.


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    5. Both the author and Minghui Yu make enlightening points. Thank you.

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    My most basic issue with democracy is that it, like any form of government, can be corrupted by powerful vested interests. Democracy in and of itself, however, is worth fighting for. See: Hong Kong. Totalitarianism is always, on the other hand, corrupt, always uses nationalism, and is always violent against dissenting insiders and different outsiders. The basic fears I have of the Chinese state are exemplified in the uses of nationalism, that dissent and debate are criminal activities, that Xi is now in effect Emperor for life, the situation in Xinjiang and Hong Kong and on many other fronts within the nation , the corrupt and imperialist Belt and Road strategy, and the Social Credit system.

    These realities make us WEIRDoes scared of the Chinese state for legitimate reasons, because they are shared by Taiwanese and Hong Kongers, and our own, Western, concerns for our own corrupt and increasingly autocratic democratic governments. The HK rioters are violent verbally and physically against dissenting citizens, beat up or try to kill people who disagree with them, attack or try to kill police till they have no choice but to attack back and then frame police for brutality.

    You can find photos of arson and damage done to metro stations, banks and shops. Not a bad article. The Author is passionate, which is always welcome.

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    Another writer, above, noted the success of the democracies in South Korea, Japan and the Republic of China. What has fascinated me about those three nations is the degree to which the residents are comfortable in their skin with their own culture and living a life in the 21st Century. South Korea is one-third Christian, yet there is no change in the basic Confucian values.

    Same for Japan and Rep of China, especially on Taiwan. Otherwise, Mr. Kuo demonstrates a sound grasp of history and unusually good mastery of idiomatic American English. I wish him well.