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In this article, I review influential scholarship guiding this inquiry and sketch a framework for initial analyses. I then apply this framing of a Mad literary studies approach to Morrison's Sula , calling attention as I do so to how such a reading offers new insight and builds upon existing formative scholarship on the ostensibly peripheral character of Shadrack and the text overall. A still developing subfield, Mad Studies calls attention to the social, medical, and legal systems through which mental "illness" is constructed and stigmatized.

Writing for the Mad Studies Network site, Lucy Costa defines Mad Studies as "an area of education, scholarship, and analysis about the experiences, history, culture, political organising [sic], narratives, writings and most importantly, the PEOPLE who identify as: Mad; psychiatric survivors; consumers; service users; mentally ill; patients, neuro-diverse; inmates; disabled—to name a few of the 'identity labels' our community may choose to use.

As these conceptualizations make clear, Mad Studies is inchoate and amorphous, and there are as yet no stable or universally agreed upon boundaries of its interests or the tenets of its methodology, nor of its location based in activism, academe, anti-psychiatry, or other forums.


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It is inherently interdisciplinary as both a field and a framework. Notably, while some of these monikers gesture toward the pathologization of distress and mental disability, several reject medicalized terms that characterize the speaker or subject as "afflicted with" or "victim to" diagnoses like post-traumatic stress disorder. In this way, the mad individual dismisses a hierarchy of knowledges in which biomedical research speaks for or over lived experiential knowledge.

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This tense distrust of clinical language and models may be one reason for the potential to cultivate Mad Studies scholarship outside of the medical humanities. Such self-naming seeks to recast the long history of symbolic, often negative, interpretation of distressed or disabled people, including that of the critic, the sage, and the criminal Foucault , xvi; Madness continues to accumulate different meanings across time, but it oscillates between what Michel Foucault calls "[t]his double movement of liberation and enslavement [which] forms the secret foundations of all that makes up the modern experience of madness" This restriction of agency and the supposition that madness is defined and siloed rather than experienced drives many mad-identified and -allied scholar-activists to appropriate madness for self-identification as well as challenge the various relationships e.

These challenges triangulate a common issue of seeing madness as biologically "Other," inherently negative and deviant, often further compounded by additional systems of oppression. That is, madness and distress historically have been considered by some as malevolently purposeful rather than biological or even socially constructed, such that to experience distress always already opposes social order. Resisting this paradigm of sanist superiority, mad scholars and activists foment alternative intersectional conversations of madness. These discussions cull from methodologies of Disability and trauma studies, while attending to the unique ways that madness has been and continues to be viewed and legislated.

Yet, because of its specific histories, studies of madness do not neatly fit within the frameworks of either of these methodologies. Arguably, trauma studies utilizes a biomedical or psychologized framing of distress, understandably given its emergence out of psychoanalysis Berger , Although such an approach identifies and, in some ways, seeks to rationalize or "explain" traumatic symptoms, it often does not explore the way lived experience and social systems influence one another aside from causing such distress.


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While some scholar-activists see Mad Studies as embedded within Disability Studies, some recent work argues that the movements are adjacent and interrelated rather than equivalent. While the social model of disability regards society as defining impairment embodied experience in terms of disability relation to access , this binary is complicated by the differing experiences of mental and emotional disability or distress, prevailing stigmas about the same, as well as medical and social interpretation of these experiences.

Definitions of impairment within Mad Studies scholarship are fluid and varied but unite in their investment in discussions of subjective experiences, such as pain, confusion, and suffering. In their works on depression, Anna Mollow and Ann Cvetkovich argue that acknowledging and analyzing "suffering" is a necessary part of scholarship Mollow , 87; Cvetkovich and Wilkerson , Alison Kafer locates such an opportunity to rethink impairment in terms of access in the ongoing conversation in higher education regarding trigger warnings, which she theorizes as "opening[s] that acknowledge trauma and its effects" , Kafer writes that trigger warnings at their worst can function as censors for important practical and theoretical discussions of systemic oppression; at their best, frank conversations about "triggers" encourage us to consider how we interact with ideas and people 12, The debate centers on how we "deal with" trauma as an active impairment that potentially can be mitigated.

Kafer's analysis of the avoidance of trauma within higher education analogizes concurrent discussions of pain and debility in Disability Studies by Alyson Patsavas and Jasbir Puar , among others. As the permeable borders of these fields shift and expand, what it means to be mad-identified or to interpret distressed experiences must always return to the individual, since agreement with medical, psychological, and social models fluctuates among these scholars.

To employ a Mad Studies framework at this early stage of the subfield thus demands that scholars treat all models with circumspection. Recent scholarship interpreting the intersectional relationship between madness and other positionalities demonstrates the potential of Mad Studies as a methodological frame. These include work on madness in higher education, such as Price's Mad at School: Rhetorics of Mental Disability and Academic Life , as well as madness in gender and sexuality studies, including what Mollow calls "Mad Feminism" and Cvetkovich's work on queer affect and depression Significant research querying mental and emotional disabilities has come from scholars in critical race theory and cultural studies, especially within the field of Black Disability Studies.

Important texts such as Nirmala Erevelles' Disability and Difference in Global Contexts: Enabling a Transformative Body Politic and Sami Schalk's Bodyminds Reimagined: Dis ability, Race, and Gender in Black Women's Speculative Fiction consider how, in the words of Erevelles and Michael Gill, "race and disability are not oppositional categories but are instead categories of difference that are mutually constitutive of each other" , Mining this intersection of race and disability, scholars such as Pickens and Erevelles look at the political, social, and cultural implications of disability and race upon each other.

Erevelles' work explores how the material conditions of disability and race inform each other, making possible treatments, education, labor choices, and, to some extent, recognition of the self in the neoliberal capitalist society , Pickens attends to a rhizomatic history and development of Black Disability Studies in her crucial introduction to the special issue of African American Review. Pickens collates a non-exhaustive list of disciplines and fields from which critical work on race and disability emerge, including Black feminist literature, trauma studies, critical prison or carceral studies, and cultural studies a, In retracing the importance of foundational work, including Christopher M.

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Bell's "Introducing White Disability Studies: A Modest Proposal" , Pickens is emphatic that such genealogies obscure what "are and should be very messy" a, 95 histories. She echoes others' calls to resist narratives of resolution and to engage, instead, the complex overlay of systems which "allow this tension to rest uneasily at the surface" Importantly, then, these writers conceive of distress and disability as social constructions, within larger ecologies of embodied existence including dynamics of race, ethnicity, gender, and sexuality.

As Black Disability Studies scholars like Pickens have insisted, the multiplicity of these models investigating the networks through which mad individuals identify themselves or are interpellated highlights tensions and possibilities worth further exploration. Significantly, such Mad Studies approaches extend analysis to how material conditions affect madness and influence lived experience and care.

These discussions of material conditions attest to the complex heterogeneous relationships that scholars and activists in Mad Studies have with the medical field and industry. While there is relative unanimity against biomedicalized definitions and restrictions of experience, the Mad community is not centered around rejecting medical care all together.

This is evident in the differing terminology and approaches of scholars analyzing madness, whose adherence to a pathologization of madness or mental disability depends on the aims of the project. She argues that literary studies of depression must be informed by lived experience, social constructions, and the interstices that define relationships to medical care including access, affordability, and racialized medicalization. In many cases, Erevelles notes, "it is the lack of access to economic resources and, consequently, to health care that also contributes to the creation and proliferation of disability" , Picking up Erevelles' argument in the first year of the Trump administration, Puar posits that, as the Republican-majority U.

Hilton write in their discussion of American Quarterly 's "Mad Futures" forum, "the impetus to police, surveil, imprison, control, and normalize bodyminds is always bound up with ableist and sanist forms of erasure and death" Investigating these intersecting and overlapping means of legislating and in validating experience is imperative for the continuation of literary studies, academe, and the real lives of mad-identified individuals everywhere. These diverse readings offer a preliminary sketch of a Mad Studies methodology.

Like Disability Studies, Mad Studies queries the epistemology and impact of language used to describe people and experiences.

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Also in the vein of Disability Studies, Mad Studies pushes back against social constructions of mental and emotional "health" and "illness" which effectively restrict who participates in various activities, events, and careers. Consequently, Mad humanities scholarship attends to the following:. Inherently, then, Mad Studies is a radical approach which affirms the humanity of diverse mad-identified individuals while calling out and working against the sanist and ableist rhetorics that intersect with and implicate other systems of oppression. In the subsequent sections, I model a Mad literary studies approach by examining the character Shadrack from Toni Morrison's Sula.

The novel tracks Sula and her close friend Nel in the Bottom, the close-knit part of Medallion in which the Black community lives, entering into their lives briefly, with chapters labeled for their corresponding year in time. Nel and Sula encounter racist violence, early romance, and deadly accidents together, their friendship acting as a sort of refuge from each other's families. Sula leaves town after Nel marries her husband, Jude, and upon her return, she refuses to fit into any category, embracing her free will and sexuality in the face of town gossip.

Her friendship with Nel ends when Sula and Jude have sex, but years later when Sula is ill and dying, Nel tries to care for her. After Sula dies, the townspeople rejoice in the death of their pariah, joining another town outsider, Shadrack, on his annual National Suicide Day parade, during which many end up drowning. Described as "[b]lasted and permanently astonished," "ravaged" , 7 , and "crazy" 15 , Shadrack traditionally has been regarded as a peripheral character, significant primarily as metaphor or symbol.

However, the character's function in opening and closing the plot as well as the novel's unique dual portrayal of Shadrack's mental distress through his own experiences and the opinions of others encourage further interrogation of how the text and its readers characterize mental distress. In what follows, I walk the reader through a Mad literary studies approach, attending to Morrison's introduction to Shadrack and signaling what types of scholarship and material conditions could support a more thorough exploration of his role.

After this, I use this prefatory sketch to further examine the material conditions of his madness that influence the character, Morrison's conception of him, and the text's reception history.

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Mad Studies's goals of generating alternate readings of what it means to live with distress or "madness" beg reinterpretation of novels like Sula whose extant scholarship has focused primarily on physical disability rather than mental or emotional experience.

Because of the significance of Morrison's Sula within literary Disability Studies—especially through the character of Eva Peace—rereading the novel through the lens of Mad Studies with specific focus on Shadrack presents a unique opportunity to consider the relationship between these closely related fields. Morrison's novel follows Sula, her grandmother Eva, and other inhabitants of the Bottom in chronological segments from to Eva has been widely interpreted through a Disability Studies's lens, most notably in Rosemarie Garland-Thomson's Extraordinary Bodies , but also across various works which expand upon and counter Garland-Thomson's arguments.

Garland-Thomson writes that Eva's amputation of her own leg for money to provide for her children "is an act of self-production that at once resists domination and witnesses oppression's virulence" , That is, Eva's disability evidences her own resourcefulness and strength at the same time as it testifies to the physical effects of white oppression. Garland-Thomson reads Eva's self-amputation as both generative and metaphorical, and this interpretation of Eva is by many measures accurate. Her amputated missing lower leg seems to make the remaining foot, consistently adorned and cared for, that much more beautiful Morrison , Indeed, while Eva's disability perhaps inhibits her chances of saving her daughter Hannah from burning to death, her body asserts its own power throughout the novel.

Morrison writes that even though "adults, standing or sitting, had to look down at her […] they didn't know it.


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They all had the impression that they were looking up at her" This reaction may be due in part to the narrative of her disability, which enigmatically entertains, as a tale of magic realism in which "the leg got up by itself one day and walked on off" or of cunning adventure, in which Eva exchanges her leg for money In this performance, her body testifies to her wit and strength; performing her disability affords Eva acceptance and respect in the community.

Her disability is legible through the narrative of white oppression of the Black community: her body, like so many before hers, must be subjugated and mutilated to survive. Shadrack's experiences as a World War I veteran attest to his own position as a victim of white systemic violence. After the introduction, a history of National Suicide Day opens the novel, offering the reader alongside it a history of its creator Shadrack, a seemingly omnipresent but ignored townsperson. Morrison takes the reader to the moment at which the uncanniness of Shadrack's war experience leads to him black out, later waking in a mental hospital:.

He ran, bayonet fixed, deep in the great sweep of men flying across this field. Wincing at the pain in his foot, he turned his head a little to the right and saw the face of a soldier near him fly off. Before he could register shock, the rest of the soldier's head disappeared under the inverted soup bowl of his helmet. But stubbornly, taking no direction from the brain, the body of the headless soldier ran on, with energy and grace, ignoring altogether the drip and slide of brain tissue down its back.

The terrifying image of the "headless soldier" refracts Shadrack's character throughout the text; he is described as a "young man of hardly twenty, his head full of nothing" 7. The adult Shadrack is "uncoordinated" 12 , yet his actions are memorable, eventually gathering many behind him in the final Suicide Day march.

In a hospital in "," the reader reunites with Shadrack, who has presumably blacked out after witnessing the gruesome scene above. The reader learns of no extensive physical injury experienced by Shadrack, leaving the reader to assume that his hospitalization is mental or emotional in nature. While not legible upon his body, Morrison illuminates Shadrack's distress for the reader. Shadrack envisions his hands involuntarily growing wildly , 8; 9 and becoming endlessly tangled with his shoelaces, effectively immobilizing him In addition to feeling unable to move, Shadrack "suffer[s] from a blinding headache" 13 and physically reacts by trying to "fling off and away his terrible fingers" 9.

These experiences then are not merely visual or mental, but physical for him. Moreover, these moments of distress generate unapologetically physical reactions from others, including being strapped into a straightjacket and the police later "pull[ing] his hands away" from his shoes and "lock[ing] him in a cell" 13 , before ultimately "escort[ing] him to the back of a wagon" Each of the interactions Shadrack has during these moments of distress result in an individual of authority physically restraining or moving him.

Thus, his distress as disability is spatially present in so far as it is contained and made punishable by others, and his bodily autonomy, while ostensibly not impaired, is lost. The treatment Shadrack receives at the hands of doctors and police officers—as well as the treatment he does not receive—are characteristic of the way Black veterans returning home from war were treated. In her research on treatment of Black veterans, Carlos Clarke Drazen notes that health care and support for Black World War I veterans were ostensibly available because of legislation that should have provided for veteran health care and education , In reality, assumptions about race impeded health care access.

This particularly affected veterans like Shadrack, whose experiences in Sula evidence both maltreatment and an enforced subjugation in which he is given no information about his diagnosis or methods of care. According to K. Walter Hickel, whom Drazen quotes, the lacuna between legislation and racist practice led to a state in which a racialized interpretation of mental and physical health determined who or what was ill and what it meant to be healthy. Hickel writes, "physicians routinely applied not medical criteria but cultural and racial values….