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Now a joint investigation by BuzzFeed News, the investigative journalism website Bellingcat , and Russian news site the Insider has identified two of the three Russian voices heard on the recording : Andrey Yuryevich Kharchenko and Ilya Andreevich Yakunin. Dugin is the father of an ideology that Putin has embraced in recent years, which sees a resurgent Russia standing as a bulwark against the liberal west.

Neither Dugin nor Pligin attended the Oct. Salvini did not attend the Metropol meeting, but he was in Moscow at the time. He has consistently refused to answer questions about whether he knew the meeting was taking place or was aware of the proposed oil deal. The identities of Yakunin and Kharchenko were established by matching their voices to other recordings.

At the Metropol, Yakunin explains why the proposed deal should be structured using known oil companies. While in the clip taken from an interview with Russian television he's talking about regional investments. In this section from the Metropol meeting, Kharchenko talks about the need to discuss the final details of the proposed oil deal. While in the telephone conversation he is talking about his dissertation with a reporter. BuzzFeed News, Bellingcat, and the Insider also analyzed travel and company records, online and social media activity, and information contained in other databases, to piece together a profile of Yakunin and Kharchenko and their links to Dugin and Pligin.

His work on legislation to annex Crimea landed him on a European Union sanctions list. In , Yakunin took up a management position at the Agency of Direct Investments, a firm that focuses on major industries including oil and gas.

The firm is controlled by a company that counts Pligin as one of its six founders and shareholders, records show. An employee at the agency told BuzzFeed News that Yakunin no longer works at the company. But other details raise questions about what, exactly, Kharchenko does for a living. Asked in a brief phone interview with the Insider last month why there was so little information about him online, Kharchenko said that he often published his writings using a pseudonym, but declined to say what it was.

This week, BuzzFeed News sent Kharchenko multiple requests for comment on his role at the Metropol meeting.

He did not respond. At one point, Sangiuliano began a detour into American history and an inaccurate discourse on the origin of the word conservative , which he said came from a word for a person who in ancient tribes kept the flame alive. Then, finally, Sangiuliano answered my question. These three words have more than echoes of the pillars of fascism. And Salvini is well aware of that. But he tends to downplay his own rhetoric by mocking it. Italy is a democracy, but with Salvini, something new has been unfolding. Even before his bare-chested beach tour, Salvini showed a soft spot for strongmen.

The League has said that no money changed hands in its agreement. In July, BuzzFeed published audio recordings of the meeting —one of the clearest signs to emerge yet of how Russia is trying to influence and destabilize European politics.

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Salvini has refused to answer specific questions from journalists or members of Parliament. The Italian electorate tends to take a pretty dim view of the ethics of politicians. Until the government changed, Salvini had always been on the offensive. Although he excels at playing the victim, mostly he forces others to debate and challenge him on his terms.

He has done this by weaponizing migration as a threat.


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Under European law, countries must process would-be asylum seekers in the first country of arrival. Since , more than half a million people—asylum seekers and economic migrants—have landed in Italy, a country that is home to 60 million people and is 80 percent coastline. This has created a powder-keg situation, especially in smaller towns unaccustomed to immigration. There has been a new focus on Nigerian organized-crime groups operating in Sicily and the Italian south, even though the territory is still controlled by Italian groups.

The images of the boats arriving have persisted even though the flow of migrants to Italy dropped sharply after , when the EU struck a deal with Turkey, paying it billions of euros in exchange for Ankara not permitting would-be asylum seekers to leave. The flow decreased further after Rome struck a questionable accord with Libya in , in which the North African nation agreed to detain would-be migrants in camps that critics say violate the Geneva accords.

In the fall of , just before Salvini took over the League, there was a wave of public national solidarity after nearly migrants died when their boat caught fire off the island of Lampedusa. Not so today.

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The day I met di Giacomo this summer, there were reports from the U. Things were bad all over, I pointed out. In Italy, Salvini has mastered turning complex problems like immigration into simple images—boats arriving, boats being turned away. Here he has made use of Laura Boldrini, a former spokeswoman for the United Nations High Commission for Refugees who was later elected to Parliament as part of a small left-wing party, eventually becoming speaker of the lower house. She has never lived down saying that she believed immigrants were a resource for Italy, and Salvini now depicts Boldrini in regular Twitter attacks as the embodiment—feminized—of everything wrong with how the Italian left handled immigration.

At a campaign rally in , Salvini held up a blow-up sex doll and said it was Boldrini, to cheers from the crowd. Ahead of the European Parliament elections in May, he hate-tweeted about her, saying that if she was voting for the center-left Democratic Party, that was just another reason to vote for the League.

Roberto Saviano , the author and media figure who has lived under police protection for more than a decade because of death threats from the Camorra, the Neapolitan organized-crime group, has emerged as another vocal critic of Salvini. Salvini, in turn, attacks him regularly in speeches and has threatened to remove his police protection a peculiar stance for a minister who had been overseeing the Italian police.

As it happens, I first encountered Boldrini in March of , on Lampedusa, as the Arab Spring was just beginning to unfold but before the United States invaded Libya and enlisted a reluctant Italy in the operation to depose Muammar Qaddafi. I asked Boldrini if she ever would have imagined, back then when she was still with UNHCR, how this all would have unfolded, and that one day a Salvini-like figure would have appeared in Italy. And the European Union was slow to react. It took too many years for them to understand this. This summer, he skipped a meeting of other European interior ministers, hosted by France, to discuss immigration.

People familiar with the inner workings of the former government say he lacks a command of policy and avoids situations where he feels out of his depth. What Salvini excels at is propaganda. But lately Salvini has championed some policy changes. Newly approved security bills give the interior ministry far greater powers and further criminalize illegal immigration by imposing fines on boats that rescue migrants from drowning at sea, in possible violation of international search-and-rescue norms and the Italian constitution.

This change is significant, but too technical for most voters to process. The next day he tweeted a video of a man he said was Nigerian, washing himself in public in Salerno.

‘It All Happened So Fast’

That gives a bad name to emotion. On Facebook, Twitter 1. Funny, self-aware, and sardonic, he disarms his own tough talk with self-deprecating humor. He talks about his difficulties quitting smoking. He just wants to make Italy great again. Morisi rarely gives interviews, but when he does, he stays on message—remember, Salvini is his own spin doctor. In an interview last year with YouTrend, an Italian polling and communications outfit, Morisi explained how he had encouraged Salvini to do more Facebook Live videos, which let him get his message directly to voters.

I spoke with Morisi in Milan at an event in April where Salvini and other far-right leaders from Europe had announced an alliance ahead of elections for the European Parliament. While Salvini campaigns in piazzas and beaches, Morisi runs the back office. There may be other factors. Then there are the selfies. In March, I followed Salvini on the campaign trail ahead of regional elections in Basilicata, the instep of the boot, the poorest region of Italy, an area, like so many in the Italian south, whose chief export may well be its emigrants.

I wanted to see how he was faring among voters who had so recently been the appointed enemy of the then—Northern League. One morning in Muro Lucano, a town of 5, souls, a handful of older men wearing wool caps sat under a magnolia tree, not yet in bloom. People of all ages wandered into the piazza, and a local politician warmed up the crowd. Do we want change?

Move to the side, everyone will have time for photos! But it was what happened after the speech that got my attention. I stood on a bench as people took selfies with Salvini, watching their faces as they emerged from the stage. They felt seen.