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Kincade's Truth: "Forgery, fraud, swindle, murder" (Kincade western adventure series Book 8) eBook: Michael Chandler, Loahna Chandler: leondumoulin.nl
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To live in northern New England today is a choice of inconvenience, a struggle to maintain community memory in the face of declining population and brain drain, and a prioritization of social over economic capital. Whether it is the origin of the term or not, the idea that resources have gone south fits the story of industry in mill town New England as well as it does the story of country music.

New Englanders, by and large, are expected to be consumers of goods manufactured elsewhere including their country music. This work explores the idea that country musicwhile assumed by many to be a cultural import to New Englandis one of New Englands long-standing cultural resources, despite Nashvilles desire that you believe otherwise. About Community Memory It is important to note that contrasting cheerful and elegiac tones emerge from much of the community memories documented here: misleadingly cheerful with regard to ethnic and racial relations, elegiac with regard to where community tradition is headed.

Much of this has to do with nostalgia for the past, a reluctance to bring up unpleasantness, a commitment to remembering ourselves and our communities the way we wish them to have been, a confusion about a world in change, and a profound sadness that future generations may simply never know all that is beautiful about who we were and what we have witnessed, created, and experienced. This working-class inclination toward nostalgic remembrance of tough times is acknowledged in country music lyrics, and nowhere so poignantly as in Tennessee country singer Dolly Partons song about the good old days, when times were bad.

Indeed, there is much evidence to show that a defining characteristic of working-class New England communitypast and presentis a rich social capital, much derived largely from the circumstances of hanging tough together through consistently difficult economic hardships. And working-class and country music culture is not without its own pitfalls. I have written extensively elsewhere of gender and familial conflict inherent in the country music profession in New England Murphy And yet, however forthcoming participants might be in discussing issues of insobriety and infidelity, they were uniformly tightlipped when pressed to discuss the ethnic and racial conflict that is well chronicled in social histories of the region.

Such silence on social conflict is not unusual in community memories that intersect with Americas so-called roots musics. Anthropologist Aaron Fox theorizes that this silence is based on the idea that racial conflict resides somewhere outside of the Utopian space of musical practice itself and that the absence of social conflict from roots music narratives is instantly bothersome when comparing historical to nostalgic recollections of community , Indeed, the sociopolitical evolution of the New England working class from a highly insular, fractious place of multiple ethnicities bound, by and large, to specific social, residential, professional, and religious spaces into a multicultural place in which ethnic boundaries if not race have largely been knocked down can be read as rather pedestrian stuff when cleaned of its stains of social conflict.

In removing the soft lens of nostalgia, we can better see that New England country and western musicians and fans were participating in radical social change, intermixing with people of different and often forbidden ethnicand sometimes racialbackgrounds for the first time in the regions history. Social historian Roy Rosenzweig summarizes life for the working class of Worcester, Massachusetts, in the late nineteenth century thus: Generally speaking, the owners of the citys factories came from native American or Yankee backgrounds, while the workers in those factories were predominantly first- or second-generation immigrants , In a mill city such as Worcester, where the city population grew over percent from to , there was rampant illness in overcrowded immigrant neighborhoods, working conditions in factories ranged from difficult to harsh, and available recreational space was alongside open sewers, public dumps, and smoke-spewing factories.

Public health officials and city planners saw to it that middle- and upper-class neighborhoods populated by native stock were clean and beautified. This same native stock only comprised about 6 percent of the labor force while controlling the parks, the factories, and most major political offices.

Ethnic groupssocial clubs, mutual benefit societies, churches, and fraternal orderswould periodically mobilize to gain political ground in matters of public health. But solidarity was fleeting.

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Working together for periodic, incremental political gain was not the same as building trusting, long-term partnerships let alone mixing socially. Ethnic boundaries remained solid in New England mill towns and cities through the early decades of the twentieth century Rosenzweig Ethnic and kinship ties drove immigration patterns, which in turn drove the character of ethnic neighborhoods in mill towns and cities. In such places as Providence, Rhode Island, ethnic mutual aid societies provided a range of monetary and nonmonetary insurance to members, ranging from unemployment benefits to assistance with meals following the loss of a family member.

In both the Italian and Lithuanian Jewish communities each boasted about a hundred mutual benefit societies whose organization mimicked provincial boundaries in their respective homelands. Such groups did not tend to intermix, even within a shared faith such as the Roman Catholicism practiced by Irish, French Canadian, Italian, and Polish communities. Different customs of worship varied greatlyIrish priests were reluctant, for instance, to embrace the vibrant customs of saint worship practiced by Italian immigrants, causing significant friction.

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The neighborhoods, schools, churches, social clubs, and mill rooms inhabited by New England workingclass people were defined by ethnicitywhich at times extended further into language, faith, race, and other heritage factorsfrom the mids until World War II. Studies show that ethnic neighborhoods had begun to grow more diffuse by the s and that ethnic mutual benefit societies grew increasingly focused on New World traditions rather than maintaining Old World traditions but that families still tended to stick together, living in all three levels of the triple-decker houses that are so ubiquitous in urban southern New England Smith Even with the social mixing that country and western music played a part in facilitating, and even though ethnic boundaries have broken down considerably since the early twentieth century, divisions remain.

It is not unusual to find young couples in New England whose parents oppose engagement or marriage to someone of another or a particular other ethnicity. Such issues were typically left unspoken in many of the oral histories collected for this book. Some participants chose to speak guardedly about interethnic tensions.

Many musicians spoke of race in relation to their purposeful eradication of blackface minstrelsy from country and western musical performance and broader community practice, and all of these werewithout exception, and somewhat surprisinglypersons from Maine. With regard to the role nostalgia plays in cleaning up racial. Martin Luther King, Jr. The violent race-based clashes that took place in the s around Bostons bussing program bussing students from disadvantageda coded word for African Americanneighborhoods into area schools helped catapult people like James Whitey Bulger into prominent places in urban New Englands ethnic underworld and caused community fissures that continue today.

So it is somewhat ironic that the racial and ethnic conflicts so prominent in pop culture treatments of Boston, such as Martin Scorseses film, The Departed, are part of the unspoken backdrop to the story of New England country and western. With regard to the elegiac tone of many of the participants documented herein, much of that can be attributed to a festering frustration held by many in the New England working class or of working-class backgrounds that their story is forgotten or not included in the mass culture that is flashed back at them on the radio and on television, movie, and computer screens.

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At times this blends with an overriding frustration that the needs of working-class, rural, and impoverished peoples are ignored by a mainstream culture that resides closer to power and money. And yet perhaps the greatest source of frustration can be attributed to shifting conditions and tastes of many in the working class: working-class jobs in New England tend to be unionized and tend to pay better than their working-class counterparts in the American South that feature so prominently in the music of Nashville.

And a great many New England working-class people today prefer hard rock and metal to country music. All of this frustration is magnified by a mass culture that prefers to market its country music as southern. The elegiac tone can also be attributed to the fact that life has changed and that something beautiful is disappearing. And sometimeshowever difficult it may be to watchit is okay that traditions die out, as it represents the fact that changeeven positive changeoften demands a different form of expressive culture. Change has brought a great many comforts and increased choices to working-class New Englanderschoices symbolized, perhaps, by roads leading out of northern New England.

As such, we have been determined here to document New England country and western music while the tradition is still living so that we can better understand who we are through who we once were. Some readers may find the subject of this book somewhat perplexing. To many, country music and its various offshoots are inherently southern in style and cultural origin.

If you have a pulse, there is a good chance youve learned exactly this in a book, at a concert, in a film, on TV, or in a derisive joke about rednecks. Few cultural sounds are so thoroughly tied to a specific geographic location in the imaginations of North Americans as country music. Indeed, modern country music musicians go to Nashville in order to claim they come from it.

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New England country and western musicians and fans do not need me or anybody else to justify their cultural authenticity to anyone. And yet for New Englanders reading this work, odds are good that you, like me, grew up entirely unaware of your home regions country music heritage.


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In looking back on my own life, I feel as though I should have known better: I grew up in a house in New Hampshire where we listened to country radio every morning, I was a professional musician who played in an alternative country rock band for fourteen years, I fronted a traditional honky-tonk band for five years, and I plundered record stores as both customer and employee for the best music I could find. For as long as I can remember, I was interested in where American music came from. Yet my explorations of the roots of American music never led homeward, and I did not hear the extraordinary country and western music of Maines Dick Curless until I was twenty-three.

Even then, I thought Curless was an anomaly. After all, I had dug through a mountain of evidence that said quite convincingly that country music came exclusively from the South. The sad feeling in my gutand the guts of my fellow working musicians in New Hampshire was that our region was a place that was largely devoid of homegrown, living musical traditions older than a quarter century. It took me over ten. And so, in the event you are skeptical of the existence of such a thing as New England country and western musicor think that if such a thing exists, it cant possibly be good, authentic, or importantyouve got plenty of company.

What you will learn here is that New England radios relationship with live, local music enabled local country and western traditions to flourish from the s until the late s and that the local tradition suffered when radio shifted away from live, local music to national playlists of music recorded elsewhere. This shift toward the playing of records on radio skewed the publics perception of where country music came from, replacing local music with that produced in Nashville and obscuring the musics local history and traditions.

This book sets down a narrative of New England country and western history and illuminates some of the musical and cultural factors that make this deeply community-rooted music distinctive to the region. The point of it all is not to convince you that the best country and western music is from New England. Rather, it is to introduce you to extraordinary everyday New Englanders, to document the full participation of the New England working class in the story of North American vernacular music, and to celebrate that communitys remarkable contributions to New England folklife.

Community history and memory is a temporal thing, governed as it is by the nostalgia triggered by the changing of generations and the values and memories they hold and share. Musical memory is stunningly shortterm, always shifting and expanding forward, shedding stylistic phrasing, repertoire, and tastes like the many skins of an undying yet ever-traveling snake.


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    4. Northern musicians active in the folk revival of the s recall encountering the southern hillbilly and blues records of the s and s as though they came from an ancient, unreachable past, despite the fact that fewer than three decades stood between the revival and the time of those recordings first release Stampfle In New England, the same imagined gulf between today and the heyday of regional country and western music is accentuated by the fact that so few local musical performances were ever recorded. And so this work aims to set part of this communitys tale down in writing while some of these practitioners and their traditions are still living.

    This work also aims to revive the notion that country music is, at its foundation, a traditional social music that, nationally, encompasses many regional.

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    New Englandindeed, much of the North American continenthas a long, rich history and tradition of country and western music that dates back as far as that of its famous southern counterpart. Some regional scenes, styles, and communities have been documented from the Canadian Maritimes Rosenberg to the Southwest Boyd to Kentucky Davis , and the New England portion of this missing history is chronicled for the first time in this book.

    It is my hope that other regions will follow suit. After all, New Englanders have produced their own deeply communitybased form of country and western music since at least the s. From the advent of radio until the late s, local music and musicians were well supported by regional radio and early television.

    Since the late s, when the country music industry became a nationalized industrial triumvirate of broadcast, publishing, and recording based in Nashville, Tennessee, nonsouthern forms of country music have become marginalized, and their perceived authenticity in their home communities has been called into question by those generations who never witnessed an era in which local musicians played a significant role in regional broadcast media.

    In short, popular country music and its supporting industries have done a very effective job at promoting authentic country music making as an exclusively southern cultural export. This book aims to reorient the compass of country music authenticity not just geographically but in its social wellsprings as peoples music Keil , in the basic dialogue between musicians and audiences. Regional musicians and their fans outside of the South have soldiered on through decades of self-aware disenfranchisement and have come to view themselves as stewards of traditional country music.

    It is a decidedly communitybased form of what popularly passes as country music, where its primary function is to facilitate social dancing, and it retainscounter to its pop brethren on contemporary radioa homegrown regional accent in both vocal and instrumental delivery.

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    This history and ethnography of New England country and western musical traditions serves as a consolidation of community memories, an examination of cultural meaning, and a celebration of a musical history that has nearly become fully displaced. History is typically written by conquerors, and social history less so; ethnography is something altogether different. Ethnography demonstrates that multiple narratives of history and cultural meaning coexist within any society, folk group, or community. When well written, ethnography can help show how these multiple narratives inform, resist, and even rely upon each other.

    Again, ask anyone living in North America today where authentic country music comes from, and invariably. Worldwide, people who parody or denigrate country music affect a southern accent while doing so. And what of New Englands domain of cultural authenticity? That domain is made up of anything you can attach variations of the word high to as a prefix: high society, higher education, high-tech, high-grade seafood, high-range mountains, and indulgent high times enjoyed by students in exclusive boarding schools and private colleges.

    Yet drive through New England and look around, and you will find that most places you travel through are untouched by high-rolling lifestyles. The towns and cities that feature prominently in this worklike Bangor, Ware, Waterbury, Manchester, Nashua, Lewiston, and Providenceare filled with the grandsons and granddaughters of workers wooed from near and far by thundering industry, only to be abandoned in that industrys rotting mill town corpse.