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Table of contents

Probably all the Pre-islamic poems which have come down to us belong to the century preceding Islam a. It may be said of these magnificent odes, as of the Iliad and The Pre-islamic poems. Odyssey, that "they are works of highly finished art, which could not possibly have been produced until the poetical art had been practised for a long time. It is a noteworthy fact that the language of these poems, the authors of which represent many different tribes and districts of the xxiii peninsula, is one and the same.

The dialectical variations are too trivial to be taken into account. Arabic became the sacred language of the whole Moslem world. This was certainly due to the Koran; but, on The Koran. Moslems, who held the Koran to be the Word of God and inimitable in point of style, naturally exalted the dialect of the Prophet's tribe above all others, even laying down the rule that every tribe spoke less purely in proportion to its distance from Mecca, but this view will not commend itself to the unprejudiced student.

The Koran, however, exercised a unique influence on the history of the Arabic language and literature. When the Arabs settled as conquerors in Syria and Persia and mixed with foreign peoples, the purity of the classical language could no longer be maintained. During the early Middle Ages it was spoken and written by all cultivated Moslems, of whatever nationality they might be, from the Indus to the Atlantic; it was the language of the Court and the Church, of Law and Commerce, of Diplomacy and Literature and Science.

In these countries, however, it is still the language of business, literature, and education, and we are told on high authority that even now it "is undergoing a renaissance, and there is every likelihood of its again becoming a great literary vehicle. I hope that I may be excused for ignoring in a work such as this the information regarding Ancient Arabian history which it is possible to glean from the Babylonian and Assyrian monuments.

Any sketch that might be drawn of the Arabs, say from b. For the first period, which is confined to the history of Yemen or South Arabia, we have no contemporary Arabic sources except the inscriptions.

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It is true that most of this material is legendary and would justly be ignored by any one engaged in historical research, but I shall nevertheless devote a good deal of space to it, since my principal object is to make known the beliefs and opinions of the Arabs themselves. There was no prose literature at that time: it was the poet's privilege to sing the history of his own people, to record their genealogies, to celebrate their feats of arms, and to extol their virtues.

Although an immense quantity of Pre-islamic verse has been lost for ever, xxvii we still possess a considerable remnant, which, together with the prose narratives compiled by Moslem philologists and antiquaries, enables us to picture the life of those wild days, in its larger aspects, accurately enough. The last and by far the most important of the three periods comprises the history of the Arabs under Islam.

It falls naturally into the following sections, which are The Moslem Arabs. He called on his fellow-townsmen to renounce idolatry and worship the One God. In spite of ridicule and persecution he continued for several years to preach the religion of Islam in Mecca, but, making little progress there, he fled in a. From this date his cause prospered exceedingly. During the next decade the whole of Arabia submitted to his rule and did lip-service at least to the new Faith.

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Under their guidance Islam was firmly established in the peninsula and was spread far beyond its borders. Hosts of Bedouins settled as military colonists in the fertile plains of Syria and Persia. Soon, however, the xxviii recently founded empire was plunged into civil war.

The Umayyads, with a single exception, were The Umayyad dynasty. Arabs first and Moslems afterwards. Religion sat very lightly on them, but they produced some able and energetic princes, worthy leaders of an imperial race. By a. The Caliph in Damascus had his lieutenants beyond the Oxus and the Pyrenees, on the shores of the Caspian and in the valley of the Nile. Meantime the strength of the dynasty was being sapped by political and religious dissensions nearer home. They were joined by the Persian Moslems, who loathed the Arabs and the oppressive Umayyad government. It ended in the complete overthrow of the reigning house, which was almost exterminated.

We pass from the period of Arabian nationalism to one of Persian ascendancy and cosmopolitan culture. The new dynasty, if not religious, was at least favourable to religion, and took care to live in the odour of sanctity. For a time Arabs and Persians forgot their differences and worked together as good Moslems ought. Piety was no longer its own reward. Learning enjoyed munificent patronage.

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On his death peace was broken once more, and the mighty empire began slowly to collapse. As province after province cut itself loose from the Caliphate, numerous independent dynasties sprang up, while the Caliphs became helpless puppets in the hands of Turkish mercenaries. Sweeping onward, they were checked by the Egyptian The Post-Mongolian period.

Mamelukes and retired into Persia, where, some fifty years afterwards, they embraced Islam. The unity of Islam, in a political sense, was now destroyed. In the Ottoman Turks crossed the Hellespont, in they entered Constantinople, and in Syria, Egypt, and Arabia were added to their dominions.

Some of the political events which have been summarised above will be treated more fully in the body of this work; others will receive no more than a passing notice. The ideas which reveal themselves in Arabic Arabian literary history.


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The space devoted to the early periods a. During the next hundred years Moslem civilisation reaches its zenith, but the Arabs recede more and more into the background. The Mongol invasion virtually obliterated their national life, though in Syria and Egypt they maintained their traditions of culture under Turkish rule, and in Spain we meet them struggling desperately against Christendom. I have not, however, enforced the test of nationality so strictly as to exclude all foreigners or men of mixed origin who wrote in Arabic. It may be said that the work of Persians who even nowadays Writers who are wholly or partly of foreign extraction.

But what shall we do in the case of those numerous and celebrated authors who are neither wholly xxxi Arab nor wholly Persian, but unite the blood of both races? Must we scrutinise their genealogies and try to discover which strain preponderates? That would be a tedious and unprofitable task. The truth is that after the Umayyad period no hard-and-fast line can be drawn between the native and foreign elements in Arabic literature.

Each reacted on the other, and often both are combined indissolubly. Although they must be distinguished as far as possible, we should be taking a narrow and pedantic view of literary history if we insisted on regarding them as mutually exclusive.

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We say one of our gods hath afflicted thee with madness. At last, however, they got to business, and their spokesman had scarce finished his prayer when three clouds appeared, of different colours—white, red, and black—and a voice cried from heaven, "Choose for thyself and for thy people! Thence, apparently even in the tenth century b. The difficulty of navigating the Red Sea caused the land route to be preferred for the traffic between Yemen and Syria.

In consequence of this change, which seems to have taken place in the first century a.


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Their maritime situation exposed them more to attack, while the depopulation of the country had seriously weakened their military strength. Of these Abyssinian viceroys the most famous is Abraha, whose unfortunate expedition against Mecca will be related in due course. It had ceased to exist as a political power about a hundred years before the rise of Islam. The dead language, however, did not wholly perish.

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Already in the sixth century a. On the whole, however, I prefer 'South Arabic' to either. Among the pioneers of exploration in Yemen the first to interest himself in the discovery of inscriptions was Carsten Niebuhr, whose Beschreibung von Arabien , published in , conveyed to Europe the report Discovery and decipherment of the South Arabic inscriptions.

Unfortunately these copies, which had to be made hastily, were very inexact. He also purchased an inscription, which he took away with him and copied at leisure, but his ignorance of the characters led him to mistake the depressions in the stone for letters, so that the conclusions he came to were naturally of no value. Lieutenant J. In Th. If they are historical persons at all they must have reigned in fairly recent times, perhaps a short while before the rise of Islam, and probably they were unimportant princes whom the legend has thrown back into the ancient epoch, and has invested with heroic attributes.

Any one who doubts this has only to compare the modern lists with those which have been made from the material in the inscriptions. Certain names are often repeated—a proof of the existence of ruling dynasties—and ornamental epithets are The historical value of the inscriptions.

Moreover, the kings bear different titles corresponding to three distinct periods of South Arabian history, viz. The dead are conceived as living happily under divine protection; they are venerated and sometimes deified. Prideaux, is a typical example of its class:—. In concluding this very inadequate account of the South Arabic inscriptions I must claim the indulgence of my readers, who are aware how difficult it is to write clearly and accurately upon any subject without first-hand knowledge, in particular when the results of previous research are continually being transformed by new workers in the same field.

Fortunately we possess a considerable literary supplement to these somewhat austere and meagre remains. Our knowledge of South Arabian geography, antiquities, and Literary sources. Book IV. Book V.