DESTROYING WORLD ORDER: US Imperialism in the Middle East Before and After September 11

Editorial Reviews. About the Author. FRANCIS A. BOYLE is a leading American professor, DESTROYING WORLD ORDER: US Imperialism in the Middle East Before and After September 11 these questions: Did the U.S. break international law in relation to the Middle East before September 11th? After September 11th?.
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He offers humanization of the issues when the main stream media will not. Here is the great political and moral challenge. He left the Baath party while in his teens. Boyle tackles hard-hitting Alternative Media questions on the "war on terrorism"; "unlawful enemy combatants"; Guantanamo; kangaroo courts; the torture scandal; extraordinary renditions; the illegal invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq; war crimes in Iraq and Afghanistan; the threats to attack Iran and Syria; the anthrax attacks on Congress; the Bush green lights given to Israel to attack Gaza and to Georgia to attack South Ossetia; and spying on the American People.

Previous Bertrand Russell Lecturers have included E.

A guide to understanding the systemic dimensions of the US empire: It may take years, but that day will surely come.. Weizfeld sifts through the gamut of Jewish anti-Zionist opinion, seeking to sever the ideological noose that has bound Jews and Zionism together, while promoting the legitimate aspiration of Jews -- the majority of whom live outside of the state of Israel -- to live and be recognized as a people, to practice their religion and enjoy their culture free from persecution. This book exposes the roots of the crisis military-driven empirebuilding based on a volatile speculative economy, and influenced by Zionist policy makers committed to the colonialist state of Israel.

Imposing sanctions on Iraq was one of the most heinous crimes of the 20th century, yet it has received little coverage in the western press.


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First bombs and then political settlements followed the events. In Bonn, Germany, most of the active Afghan actors gathered to agree on power sharing and the only two groups who felt unrepresented there later became the ones who cause most of the troubles. Ten years on, it would be unrealistic to ignore the tremendous level of progress that Afghanistan has made thanks partly to the international community and partly to the determination of Afghans themselves, who chose to work rebuilding and recreating Afghanistan again.

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From paved roads to girls going to school, to historical record-breaking media development, there have been positive developments. However, the war — never the choice of the Afghan people — has done great harm to our people for all sorts of different local, national, regional and international reasons.

Widespread corruption, the massive arming of militias, the fuelling of war by neighbouring countries, the civilian losses and night raids and deterioration of security have all undermined our children's education, out women's ability to work, our ability to provide basic social services to the neediest part of population. Overwhelming dependency on foreign aid is still a challenge for Afghan people who would like to make their country stand on its own feet and live life peacefully.

Within an hour of the second plane striking the twin towers in New York I was filing a piece for the Guardian. What I wrote was widely criticised at the time by kneejerk, laptop warriors because, while placing the blame for the atrocity squarely on the Bin Laden-inspired Salafists who turned out indeed to be the culprits , I argued that the planes didn't come out of a clear blue sky but emerged from the swamp of hatred the west had sown over many years.

I drew attention to our double standards and the injustice we had perpetrated and facilitated throughout the Muslim world. I identified — in the article, and in a speech a few days later when the House was recalled — our role in the Palestinian catastrophe and the propping up of the dictators who ruled almost all of the Muslim world as being the twin reasons that some enraged Muslims were being drawn to Bin Laden.

What impact did 9/11 have on the world? | The panel | Opinion | The Guardian

I argued that for as long as Muslim blood and freedoms were regarded more cheaply and more dispensable than the west's own wellbeing we would face a deepening confrontation with the near 2 billion-strong Muslim world. I underestimated the extent to which our own people would rise up against the failure of western policy towards the east, and also the damage that this and the subsequent militarised mendacity would do to the whole credibility of governance in countries such as our own and the United States.

Now scarcely anyone believes the state whatever it says, on terrorism, war, freedom of information, climate change, even when the governments are telling the truth. It is the final vindication of the great Claud Cockburn's famous dictum "believe nothing until it has been officially denied". It's tempting to think that the aftermath of September 11 was felt largely Out There: Hours before he began his killing spree this summer Anders Behring Breivik posted a 1,page manifesto. He claimed to be waging war on "Islamic imperialism" and his supposed "martydom operation" was against an Islamic civilisation rolling across western soil.

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Breivik and other neo-Nazis used to assert racial superiority; now they claim an existential threat from Islamic culture. For proof they point to Osama or to home-grown terrorists. This is the argument pushed by the English Defence League , who so impressed the Norwegian gunman. As academic Matt Goodwin points out, the EDL bases its arguments not around the BNP staple of white supremacy but "the more socially acceptable issue of culture".

Destroying World Order: U.S. Imperialism in the Middle East Before and After September 11

They don't hate Muslims for their colour, but their beliefs — although on a dark night in Luton after a fascist march you'd struggle to discern the difference. Nowadays, former ministers to Silvio Berlusconi justify Breivik's ideas as "in defence of western civilisation". And in this year's Munich speech, David Cameron attacked "Islamist extremism" and "state multiculturalism" before laying down the most blandly toxic of lines: All the better, after all, to convince young Muslims across the world that America was really at war with Islam and that they should heed al-Qaida's call to come to the defence of their faith.

Osama bin Laden must have been thrilled by the wars launched against Afghanistan and Iraq, and the opportunities this presented to them. What the turmoil of the past 10 years have served to emphasise is the need to be vigilant about the power exercised by our governments, and to work to ensure that the human rights of all people — Muslim or otherwise — are properly safeguarded.

It is that between states and statelessness or, to put it another way, between states and borderless or globalised phenomena. It has succeeded in starting a global movement, with almost no structure, few funds and virtually no hierarchy. Groups and individuals have affiliated to it in almost all regions, and including the US and UK. There are no membership requirements, save shared belief and a willingness to kill.

Apart from this last quality, al-Qaida represents a new form of political organisation in the 21st century: Al-Qaida is a particularly nasty variant, but this kind of organisation, or rather movement, will eventually become the norm. In response, states have tried to pretend that we still live in a world where states matter most of all, and organise the world. Neither invasion has quelled terrorism. Jim marked it as to-read Jul 30, Barbara marked it as to-read Jan 23, Carter McLellan marked it as to-read Dec 18, Nick marked it as to-read Jun 29, BookDB marked it as to-read Aug 30, Tima Perrin marked it as to-read Feb 15, Mustafa marked it as to-read Apr 21, Amanda marked it as to-read Aug 26, Amel El idrissi marked it as to-read Jan 12, Turki marked it as to-read Mar 05, Osman Ali marked it as to-read Mar 23, Abdullah Bakhashwain marked it as to-read Apr 30,