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Table of contents

The result has been a debate about the so-called end of paid work and the ways in which people look outside of the workplace in order to gain meaning in their lives. This debate is likely to continue to be a significant area of discussion in future years and is interesting as it draws on and develops sociological theory in relation to the past, present and future of work.

One aspect of this area of interest has been the way there is a desire to understand more fully work identity in the past. This can be seen in a number of studies of de-industrialised communities see Cowie and Heathcott ; Dudley ; Linkon and Russo A series of sociological accounts of attachment to work emerged, witnessed in the writing of Michele Lamont and Randy Hodson Both these authors tackle theoretically the issue of dignity at work and develop frameworks to do so. Total Social Organization of Labour TSOL Another welcome development in the sociology of work is the attempt to take up the challenge of considering how we can best explain the organisation and distribution of, and the interconnections between, all types of work.

Here, her aim was to provide an examination of the interconnections between different kinds of work activities, including paid work, informal and formal work and domestic labour; as well as different temporalities and spatialities of work and place. The links between work and non-work have also been an emerging concern. Accepting the fundamental links between all forms of work is the only way to reach a full understanding of who does what work, why and with what consequences.

Women, and men, have lives that include many other important spheres, such as leisure and health Warren We started by looking at the importance of theory when examining work, arguing that, without a theoretical understanding, sociology would be an impoverished empirical approach that would add little to our knowledge of work. The power of sociological approaches to work is in its approach and ambition to both study work at a number of levels to contextualise, compare and contrast; and ask important questions about structural inequality and culture.

Throughout this chapter we have suggested that theory needs to be treated and used creatively.

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Work and the social world are complex systems and we need a range of ways in which to interrogate them. Theory can be thought of as a toolbox which can be creatively drawn on in thinking about the world of work sociologically. While there is nothing wrong with abstract theorisation, some of the best sociology can be seen in the marriage of theoretical insight with empirical research where there is a constant dialogue between the two elements.

It covers both individual theorists as well as wider schools and trends in thought.

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It is weaker on more contemporary trends. How and in what ways are the classical sociological theorists still important to the sociology of work? What are the strengths and weaknesses of abstract theory in relation to work and employment? Examine your current or a former workplace through a theoretical lens. Raise questions as to the strengths and weaknesses of quantitative and qualitative research methods, approaches, techniques and assumptions, highlighting the growth of combined accounts.

Stress the central role of ethics in researching work. Here we ask the linked question of how sociologists research work. And how, if at all, this differs from other researchers who examine work and society. There are clearly areas where sociologists have much in common with others but we need to consider what is distinct about our focus. We want to argue in this chapter that a sociological approach to the study of work allows a breadth and depth to the examination of work that no other discipline has.

How do we back up that claim? At the micro level, sociologists study detailed social interaction between, for example, different groups of workers; workers and their managers; and carers and breadwinners. At the mezzo level, sociology allows us to think about the characteristics of places where work is carried out: firms, factories, homes, and shops.

Studying Work: Sociological Approaches, Themes and Methods

At the macro level, sociological research allows us to investigate the differences and similarities in work between societies. And sociology also allows us to compare and contrast societies at these different levels across time using historical and comparative frameworks.


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In this chapter we also ask why sociologists are interested in research methods. We start by stressing the fundamental link between theory and methodology, as well as looking at research questions in sociology and what lies behind them. We then examine how sociologists of work first went about researching work and economic life, how work has been researched since then, and conclude with recent innovations in the study of work. We stress the importance of formulating the right kind of research question and reflecting on the right kind of approach to that question. Throughout, we hope to encourage the reader to reflect on how work, in its myriad forms, can be studied well and imaginatively.

Well, methodology is essential for sociologists. This is because methodology is not just about which techniques we use to gather data but refers in addition to how we view the world that we live in. This fundamental connection goes right back to the birth of the discipline and to the writings of the founding fathers of sociology see next section. Two central concepts represent the link between theory and research: 1 epistemology, which concerns what is appropriate knowledge about the social world; and 2 ontology, which relates to how the social world is viewed — is it external to individuals or do they create it?

Bryman ; see Text box 3. To differentiate, albeit rather simply, between the two, we can look at how they would answer the following questions: can and indeed should the social world be studied by the social sciences in the same way that the natural sciences study the natural world? The epistemological position traditionally associated with the natural sciences, positivism, would answer yes, while interpretivism would answer no.

This is because the latter sees the subjects of the social sciences people as so different to the objects of the natural sciences atoms, waves , that they must be studied in very different ways. These two epistemological positions relate to two broadly differing onotologies.

The ontological position associated with positivism is that social reality is objective and external to individuals. For interpretivism, social reality is shifting and is emergent from the actions of individuals Bryman One of the most exciting challenges for any sociologist planning research into work is determining what question to try to answer.

Accordingly, a fundamental question for sociologists is how to identify appropriate methods with which to carry out research into various aspects of work and society. In this chapter, we hope to show how sociologists of work have approached this question in diverse and innovative ways. The remainder of the chapter will show how the sociology of work has examined the various levels at which work is carried out and organised, using a diverse range of techniques. In his research into work that we saw in the previous chapter, Durkheim asked what keeps people together in society.

He set out to demonstrate that the expanding industrial division of labour engendered a higher form of solidarity than existed before, comparing the mechanical solidarity of preindustrial times with the organic solidarity of industrialism. Solidarity is a highly complex concept to research. Durkheim looked at indirect indicators of it in the form of social arrangements such as law and religion. He undertook comparative macro-level historical analysis. Durkheim is also associated with the analysis of official statistics in his broader work, most notably because he compared suicide statistics from differing societies to inform his research into social solidarity.

The theorist most strongly associated with establishing an interpretivist tradition within sociology is Max Weber. One of his research questions here concerned the role of the Protestant work ethic — a belief in work as an indicator of salvation — in the development of economic systems. His study was based largely on crossnational comparative and historical analysis. Weber sought to identify and analyse the characteristics of an ideal typical capitalist and an ideal typical Protestant ethic.

In thinking about Karl Marx in terms of sociological research, we face a problem. Marx was a very different type of scholar than Durkheim or Weber. He did not write in the context of a university post but was a combination of journalist and political activist whose immense contribution to sociology can be found in his development of his theory of historical materialism which he developed alongside his lifelong collaborator Engels. Historical materialism could be seen as a method or approach to the study of work and economic life.

The strengths of this approach are that it allows for a simultaneous analysis of work and working life at a number of levels and, further, that the conditions of work are always placed in historical context. Of these three founders, Durkheim and Weber are more associated with establishing the methodological foundations of the discipline of sociology than Marx.

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In this chapter, we trace their influence on later developments in the growth of quantitative and qualitative approaches to the sociology of work respectively. But this is not to say that Marxists have not developed methodological understandings of the research process. The quantitative approach in sociology has had a powerful impact on the ways in which we study and understand work today. The insights gained from quantitative research into large numbers of workers, non-workers, managers and workplaces — in different countries and over the years — have vastly increased our knowledge of work and economic life.

Quantitative sociology has told us about what work entails; who carries it out, for whom and with what rewards if any ; when workers do it, where and alongside whom; and how workers and non-workers feel about their work or lack of it. Quantitative research may have its roots in the positivist deductivistic tradition but for many researchers who undertake quantitative data collection and analysis, its philosophical foundations are far less relevant than are its technical strengths.

The strengths of the questionnaire-based survey, the most prevalent quantitative method used in sociology, are rooted in its means for accessing large — often very large, indeed — numbers of respondents. These people are commonly representative of a population, in terms of class, gender, ethnic group, age, and so on, and the surveys provide a substantial amount of information from them. This is done relatively quickly, and it offers the capacity for sophisticated statistical analysis of the responses. There are challenges involved in carrying out surveys of course, including obtaining a good response rate, and being confident that respondents understand the questions that they are answering see Text box 3.

But an impressive array of influential surveys have been carried out on work and society. There are far too many to detail here, even if we were to narrow our focus to the UK, but we draw on the findings of many throughout the book. The research was thus carried out across cultures and across languages, and it was important to try to ensure that researcher and respondent did not attach different meanings to survey questions. For the research team, the greater the cultural divide between the two, the greater the risk.

To reduce the potential of misinterpretation, the questionnaire was translated from its initial English into five Asian languages. Other translators then checked the first translations. Finally, interviewers and respondents were ethnically matched Metcalf et al. Quantitative research can be split into two main forms: primary data analysis and secondary.


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Primary analysis is the first analysis. Primary analysis Many sociologists have researched work quantitatively by devising their own surveys specifically on the topic of work. Its purpose was to explore the attitudes of the population to changes in employment, including in the occupational structure; in the gender composition of the workforce; and increases in unemployment and casual labour. A range of related in-depth studies followed. All in all, it provided a depth and breadth of information on economic life in Britain that few studies have achieved. Researchers have also carried out general surveys that incorporate subsections on work.

The most recent research team led by sociologist Tariq Modood analysed their data on work to tap any changes and continuities in the working lives of minority peoples over the years; to discuss the importance of trade unions for black and minority ethnic workers; and to explore the extent of racial harassment and discrimination in the workplace and its form for differing minority groups Virdee , among many other topics. The survey of around 8, people showed strong ethnic disparities in levels of employment, for example, with most minority ethnic men under-represented in higher level occupations, and high proportions of Indian female workers in manual jobs see Figure 3.

The PSI research has provided the most influential survey results on the work experiences of large numbers of the different minority groups living in Britain, that we draw on more in Chapter 7. In addition to these very large studies, researchers have carried out smaller dedicated surveys of work. A third had part-time jobs during the university term and 92 per cent had also worked during the holidays. The bulk of their jobs were in the hotel, catering and leisure and retail sectors, mainly in bar and shop work.

Secondary analysis Sociologists have analysed work and economic life using a variety of secondary data sources too. As with primary analysis above, these include surveys specifically into work as well as general surveys that incorporate work sub-sections. Jean Martin and Ceridwen Roberts produced a substantial report entitled Women and Employment: A Lifetime Perspective in , and a range of researchers went on to re-analyse the data.