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Historians and literary scholars have engaged with a number of questions about the impact of changes in technology on reading practices and particularly on the relationship between new technologies of reading and writing and social, religious, and political change. Meanwhile, while the field of book history emerged initially among early modernists interested in the impact of printing technology, the issues raised regarding authorship, publication, relations between orality and the written word, dissemination, and reception have enriched the study of earlier periods.

Our sense that we may be living through a revolution in reading practices, driven by technological change, has led to scholarly and popular interest in the history of the book. While studies of previous episodes of changes in reading and writing practices help us to illuminate our own situation, the experience of living through changes in technology helps historians rethink the past as well. In the last decade, we have seen increasing institutional ef for ts within the framework of academic Jewish studies. During the academic year —, the Center for Jewish History in New York ga the red a small number of scholars, at various career stages, working on different periods in Jewish history and representing a range of methodologies and disciplines, to convene a Working Group on the History of the Jewish Book.

To that end, we invited Lawrence Schiffman, Yaacob Dweck, and Jeffrey Shandler to present brief remarks at the opening meeting of the group in October The essays that follow represent only slightly edited versions of those talks.

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Looking at three distinct periods in Jewish history— the late Second Temple period Schiffman , the early modern age Dweck , and the modern and contemporary period Shandler —all three essays focus on questions of authorship, publication, dissemination, and readership.

The new model of book history does not rigidly mark separations between bibliography, philology, and literary analysis. Conversely, we can clearly see some of the challenges for scholars who want to make use of book history in the ir methodological toolkit. In many cases, the two cannot be easily separated. In the case of the writers and users of the Dead Sea Scrolls, technological change is not a major issue, although the conceptualization of the proper kind of technology for writing encompassing questions of writing surface, ink, and for mat are of concern to some in the Second Temple period and in the rabbinic literature that emerged later.

While the medieval handwritten book is not addressed in this for um, a scholarly consensus has emerged that the transition from scroll to codex had a trans for mative impact in late antiquity in the West. However, a careful consideration of the dynamics of such definitions and interactions in different historical contexts points out some of the ways that book history can illuminate larger historiographical questions. We hope that the three essays here offer food for thought and useful suggestions for agenda-setting for this complex and dynamic field of scholarly inquiry.

Grendler et al. See below for some comment on the study of the Jewish book during the period in which manuscript codices were the primary means of disseminating texts. Barker London: The British Library, , 5— I doubt very much that I would have characterized the nature of the texts in an early modern printed book using the rubric of content be for e the invention of the Internet. For a survey of the existing studies on the early Hebrew codex, see Stefan C. Brill, , 1: n.

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Lappin Chicago: University of Chicago Press, Clearly, the biblical era constitutes the first stage in the history of the Jewish book, or more correctly, the Jewish book par excellence. There is one fundamental difference, however, in this regard between the Scrolls and the rabbinic evidence. The sect that ga the red the Scrolls and the authors of the nonbiblical materials, both apocryphal-pseudepigraphal i. The history of rabbinic literature begins with the Pharisees who revered the books we call biblical, but whose extrabiblical traditions were developed and transmitted orally.

While some scholars argue that oral traditions played a role in the development of biblical literature, 2 Second Temple Jews all dealt with biblical books as finished products, albeit not yet completely stabilized as to text or authoritative status. Later rabbinic convention initially continued this orality, and developed the full-blown Oral Law concept. We know that the collectors of larger halakhic compositions found at Qumran had such serakhim available. Specifically, since all the major sectarian compositions survive in more than one recension, in which different components are variously assembled, it becomes clear that the larger texts were assembled from sources that originally circulated as independent units.

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This is certainly true about the Damascus Document Zadokite Fragments , 11 Rule of the Community, 12 War Scroll, 13 the Berakhot texts, 14 and Hodayot 15 —among the most significant sectarian scrolls. It is also the case with the Temple Scroll, the sources of which are easily recognized. In the case of Psalms, we can see that the order was not yet standard in different editions. In the view of some scholars, an expanded version circulated as well, with texts not part of our canonical Psalms. Here we are not discussing the issues of lower biblical criticism occasioned by the existence of various text types and minor textual variations.

However, it seems that much of it is relevant to the way scrolls were written in biblical times, and it is certainly the case that the procedures required in tannaitic halakhah are in accord with many practices followed by the Qumran sectarians. However, as codices developed and Torah scrolls became symbols with a ritual role to play, more and more specifications reflecting holiness and guaranteeing aes the tic concerns became associated with the m in the rabbinic corpus.

Qumran scrolls are written mostly on skins of bovines, sheep, or goats, and a small number on papyrus, a material not permitted by later rabbinic law for biblical scrolls. The ink is a carbon-based vegetable product, with no metallic content. It is normally black, with just a few words written in red, a practice not permitted by the rabbis for biblical scrolls.

The script is generally the square script, known also as Assyrian or Jewish script, although a small number of texts are written in the paleo-Hebrew script or have divine names in that script, practices again for bidden by later tannaitic authorities. As required by tannaitic sources, the writing surface is 14 15 the dead sea scrolls lawrence h. The various methods of correcting manuscripts used in the scrolls are mostly permitted in rabbinic sources, but some are not.


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For Torah scrolls, rabbinic law requires direct, visual copying. Actually, the Scrolls bear witness to errors of both graphic and phonetic for m, 23 but it appears that copies were generally made from o the r written copies. This is the only sensible way to understand how some apocryphal-pseudepigraphal books are found in various translations, while Hebrew and Aramaic originals are found at Qumran.

Fur the r, the Qumran collection contains multiple copies of various books, both biblical and nonbiblical, written often in different writing systems and clearly of disparate origin. Biblical manuscripts have been found at Qumran, Masada, and in the Bar Kokhba Caves dating over a few centuries. These chance examples of preservation probably indicate that biblical manuscripts were widely spread in the Land of Israel. We are accustomed to referring to the Qumran collection as a library.

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Fur the r, we have evidence of the wearing out and repair of books, correction over a period of years, and the use of multiple copies that confirm the notion that this collection was made by the group that occupied the buildings at Qumran. This is especially true of the collection of Scrolls found in Cave 4 that in antiquity had shelves on which the manuscripts were stored, probably sideways. Fur the r, the common conception that the Scrolls were stored in jars needs to be corrected. Most Qumran Scrolls were not stored in jars. Some, however, were wrapped in linen cloths.

In general, Scrolls were tied closed with lea the r thongs that attached to the back of the scroll at its start with little squares of lea the r. However, some written material was attached to a jar brought for sale by the Bedouin. Here we refer to books that are totally imagined, functioning to convey ancient, often antediluvian traditions to the for efa the rs of Israel. Often this motif is employed to argue for the au the nticity of pseudepigraphal works that claim to divulge the teachings of patriarchs and o the r biblical figures who are said to have received knowledge from the se ancient books.

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Several issues are involved here—including the stabilization of the text and the determination of the contents of the canon. However, it is precisely in the se issues that the re is great disagreement among scholars. One holds that the re was no concept yet of a specific authoritative list—what we call a canon. In my view, the canon of all Jews in the Land of Israel followed this same development. The Scrolls bear witness to the existence of a variety of text types in Second Temple times, and a complex process by which eventually the Masoretic consonantal text, give or take some textual variants, became the norm.

When we move from the variety of text types found at Qumran to the more or less Masoretic collection at Masada, to the revision of Greek Bibles, toward the Masoretic Text MT in the Bar Kokhba Caves, we can see how the MT emerged dominant in the first two centuries of our era. Scholarship about the written part of this cultural transmission has been totally reshaped by the Dead Sea Scrolls. Lawrence H.

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Schiffman new york university New York, New York conclusion The history of the Jewish book in antiquity has been radically trans for med by the evidence of a collection of actual physical books. This evidence promises to help us to better understand the for mation of the written texts that underlie the development of Judaism and those that shaped the debates and disputes of Second Temple times. Fur the r, the se manuscripts help us to understand the composition, transmission, and collection of both biblical and nonbiblical texts in antiquity from a technical point of view.

Much more importantly, the y open up a window to the realistic background 18 19 the dead sea scrolls lawrence h. Robert C. Schiffman, The Halakhah at Qumran. Brill, , 75— James C. VanderKam and Peter W. Flint, 2 vols. Leiden: E. Brill, — , 1. Brill, Schiffman, Emanuel Tov, and James C.


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  • Juli , ed. Daniel K. Schuller Leiden: E. Brill, , — Donald W. Parry and Stephen D. Ricks Leiden: E. Brill, , 78— Devorah Dimant and Lawrence H. Schiffman Leiden: E. Brill, , 23— George J. Brooke and Philip R. Davies Journal for the Study of 20 21 the dead sea scrolls lawrence h. A fundamental gap exists between the title of the catalog—Hebrew books in the Bodleian Library—and its actual contents, which are works that pertain to Jewish literature. In doing so, I outline some areas of possible inquiry into the histories of Jewish books between the invention of printing and the onset of political emancipation.

    With few exceptions, nearly every Jewish community had accepted it as authoritative within generations of its initial publication. The book served scholars as a reference work and literate lay people as a manual of Jewish law.