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Editorial Reviews. About the Author. Andrew Connan lives in New Mexico with his wife and son. Andrew is the author of three other kid's books: "Beyond the.
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With our cameras rolling we try to capture the extent of the construction, but before we can go much further one of the police cars swings into action. But we've discovered something of significance - a huge amount of extra activity that has so far gone unnoticed by the outside world.

Other public sources of satellite photography however - like the European Space Agency's Sentinel database - provide much more frequent images, although they're of a much lower resolution. An October Sentinel image shows just how much the site has grown compared with what we'd expected to see. And it is just one of many similar, large prison-type structures that have been built across Xinjiang in the past few years. It was impossible to speak openly to anyone - minders lurked menacingly close by and would aggressively debrief anyone who even exchanged a greeting with us.

They have some problems with their thoughts. What was this large complex with its 16 watchtowers that the authorities were so desperate to stop us filming? Almost certainly as a response to the mounting international criticism, the authorities have begun to double down on this description, with a full-on propaganda drive.

State-run TV has been showing glossy reports, full of clean classrooms and grateful students, apparently willingly submitting themselves to the coursework. The main purpose of these facilities, we're told, is to combat extremism, through a mixture of legal theory, work skills and Chinese language training. That last item shows that whatever you want to call them - schools or camps - the intended target is the same. The facilities are exclusively for Xinjiang's Muslim minorities, many of whom do not speak Chinese as their mother tongue.

The video suggests the school is operating a dress code - not a single one of the female students is wearing a headscarf. They speak a Turkic language and resemble the peoples of Central Asia at least as much as they do China's majority population, the Han Chinese. The southern city of Kashgar, it is often pointed out, is geographically closer to Baghdad than it is to Beijing - and it sometimes feels culturally closer too. And with a history of rebellion and resistance to Chinese rule, the relationship between the Uighurs and their modern-day political masters has long been as fraught as it is distant.

Before Communist rule, Xinjiang occasionally slipped from China's grip with brief periods of independence. Ever since, it has constantly tested that grip with sporadic outbreaks of protest and violence. The mineral wealth - in particular oil and gas - of a region almost five times the size of Germany has brought huge levels of Chinese investment, rapid economic growth and large waves of Han Chinese settlers. Resentment among Uighurs over the perceived uneven distribution of the proceeds of that growth has simmered.

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In response to such criticisms, the Chinese authorities point to rising living standards for Xinjiang's residents. But in the past decade or so, hundreds of lives have been lost to a mixture of riots, inter-community violence, premeditated attacks and the police response. October Tiananmen Square sealed off after a car attack which killed two people.

In , an attack on pedestrians in Beijing's Tiananmen Square, which claimed two lives as well as the three Uighur occupants of the car, marked a significant moment.

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Although relatively small in terms of fatalities it rattled the foundations of the Chinese state. March Police in Kunming on patrol after the killing of 31 people. The following year, 31 people were slaughtered by knife-wielding Uighur attackers at a train station in the Chinese city of Kunming, more than km away from Xinjiang. Over the past four years, Xinjiang has been the target of some of the most restrictive and comprehensive security measures ever deployed by a state against its own people. These include the large-scale use of technology - facial recognition cameras, monitoring devices that read the content of mobile phones and the mass collection of biometric data.

China's hidden camps

Harsh new legal penalties have been introduced to curtail Islamic identity and practice - banning, among other things, long beards and headscarves, the religious instruction of children, and even Islamic-sounding names. The policies appear to mark a fundamental shift in official thinking - separatism is no longer framed as a problem of a few isolated individuals, but as a problem inherent within Uighur culture and Islam in general.

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It coincides with a tightening grip on society under President Xi Jinping, in which loyalties to family and faith must be subordinate to the only one that matters - loyalty to the Communist Party. That view has been reinforced by credible reports that hundreds have travelled to Syria to fight with various militant groups. Uighurs are now subject to ethnic profiling at thousands of pedestrian and vehicle checkpoints while Han Chinese residents are often waved through.

Uighur government officials are prohibited from practising Islam, from attending mosques or from fasting during Ramadan. A Chinese flag flies above a closed mosque in the Xinjiang city of Kashgar. Given all this, it is perhaps not that surprising that China has introduced another older and blunter solution to the perceived disloyalty of many of its Uighur citizens.

Despite the government's denials, the most compelling evidence for the existence of the internment camps comes from a trove of information from the authorities themselves. Pages of local government tendering documents inviting potential contractors and suppliers to bid for the building projects have been discovered online by the German-based academic, Adrian Zenz.

They provide details about the construction or conversion of dozens of separate facilities across Xinjiang. In many cases the tenders call for the installation of comprehensive security features, such as watchtowers, razor wire, surveillance systems, and guardrooms. Cross-referencing this information with other media sources, Zenz suggests that at least several hundred thousand and possibly over a million Uighurs and other Muslim minorities could have been interned for re-education. In these euphemisms, and in the mundane measurements and quantities described, there is the unmistakable substance of a rapidly expanding network of mass confinement.

Last year, her mother came for her usual summer visit, spending time with her daughter and grandson and doing a bit of London sightseeing. Xiamuxinuer Pida, 66, is a well-educated former-engineer with a long service record at a Chinese state company. She needed to send copies of her documents, her mother said - proof of UK address, a copy of her British passport, her UK telephone numbers and information about her university course. And then, after asking her to send them via a Chinese mobile chat service, Xiamuxinuer said something that sent a chill down Reyila's spine.

Their testimonies are remarkably consistent, providing evidence of the conditions and routines inside the camps and the broad basis on which people are detained.

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Mainstream religious activity, the mildest dissent and any link with Uighurs living in foreign countries appear to be enough to sweep people into the system. Each morning, when year-old Ablet Tursun Tohti was woken an hour before sunrise, he and his fellow detainees had one minute to get to the exercise yard.

The exercise yard can clearly be seen on the satellite photo of the camp where he says he was held, in the oasis town of Hotan in southern Xinjiang. A satellite image showing a camp in Hotan where Ablet says he was detained. Over the past two years there are very few reports of anyone being released at all. And since there has now been a mass recall of passports, Ablet was one of the last Uighurs able to leave China.

He has sought refuge in Turkey, a country with a sizeable Uighur diaspora because of strong cultural and linguistic links. Ablet tells me that his year-old father and eight of his siblings are in the camps. On the satellite photo, you can make out the guard towers and the double perimeter fencing of the Han'airike Legal Education Training Centre. Satellite image of the site in Hotan where Abdusalam says he was held.

In he says he ended up in a camp after the police found a picture of woman wearing a niqab, a face veil, on his mobile phone.


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Ali not his real name is unwilling to be identified. But there were no toilets inside, they just gave us a bowl. Reports of people being deleted from family chat groups, or told never to call again, are now commonplace. Two of the things most central to Uighur culture - faith and family - are being systematically broken. As a result of the detention of whole extended families, there are reports that many children are being placed in state orphanages.

Her youngest daughter, Sekine Hasan, who by now would be three and a half years old, stayed in Xinjiang with Bilkiz's husband. She did not yet have a passport and the plan was that, when she got one, the family would reunite in Istanbul. Bilkiz's daughter Sekine, whom she has not seen for more than two years. Find a Funding Opportunity. Apply for a Grant. After You Submit an Application.

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Manage Your Award. Funding News. A community of the giant tubeworm Riftia pachyptila next to a small chimney spewing hot fluids and colonized by the polychaete worm Alvinella pompejana. At first glance, the inside of the human intestine is a far cry from hot springs in the deep sea. But somewhere in the ancient past, bacteria from the deep sea made their way into mammalian guts, carrying evidence of their origins in their genes—highly-conserved fragments of genetic material that have made the bacteria tough and adaptable enough to colonize new environments.


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As it bubbles up from deep within the ocean crust, the vent fluid carries chemicals acquired from interacting with rocks at high temperatures and pressure, like hydrogen sulfide and hydrogen. In combination with oxygen or nitrate derived from seawater, these chemicals sustain microorganisms that have evolved to use chemosynthesis—the generation of biomass from carbon dioxide by using chemical energy rather than light—in an environment with no light and little to no oxygen. These types of bacteria also live independently of other organisms, forming the base of the food web of deep-sea vent ecosystems.

But if someone has dialed into the phone of the elevator you're riding before you enter it, Caruana warned me, the only indication might be a red light on the phone's panel. Over the last year, Caruana has assembled what he believes is the largest public list of elevator phone numbers, which he plans to make available to a limited audience—although he declined to say where exactly he's publishing it.

He says he's releasing the list of plus numbers not just because he wants to foster more elevator phone phreaking as an opportunity for whimsy and chance encounters, but also to draw attention to the possibility that elevator phones could be abused for serious privacy invasion and even sabotage. Call up most elevator phones and press 2, and you'll be asked to enter a password to reprogram them. In far too many cases, Caruana says, phone installers and building managers don't change those passwords from easily guessable default codes, allowing anyone to tamper with their settings.

Caruana has figured out many of those passwords by hunting down elevator phone manuals, googling documentation, and buying a dozen elevator phones off Ebay over the last year.