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Manifesto of the Communist Party by Karl Marx and Frederick Engels. February Written: Late ;. First Published: February ;. Source: Marx/Engels.
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The Communist Manifesto Reader’s Guide

Even more blessed are those whose errors are self-correcting. Liberated from competition with regimes inspired by the manifesto, globalised capitalism is behaving as if it is determined to create a world best explained by the manifesto. It is only a small step from feelings of impotence to falling victim to the assertion there is no alternative.


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But, astonishingly claims the manifesto , it is precisely when we are about to succumb to this idea that alternatives abound. Nor should we stomach desperate acts of regressive escapism: the cry to return to some pre-modern, pre-technological state where we can cling to the bosom of nationalism. What the manifesto promotes in moments of doubt and submission is a clear-headed, objective assessment of capitalism and its ills, seen through the cold, hard light of rationality.

The manifesto argues that the problem with capitalism is not that it produces too much technology, or that it is unfair. Capital fails to make rational use of the brilliant machines it engenders, condemning whole generations to deprivation, a decrepit environment, underemployment and zero real leisure from the pursuit of employment and general survival.

The Communist Manifesto:

Even capitalists are turned into angst-ridden automatons. They live in permanent fear that unless they commodify their fellow humans, they will cease to be capitalists — joining the desolate ranks of the expanding precariat-proletariat. If capitalism appears unjust it is because it enslaves everyone, rich and poor, wasting human and natural resources.

When asked by journalists who or what is the greatest threat to capitalism today, I defy their expectations by answering: capital! Of course, this is an idea I have been plagiarising for decades from the manifesto. We need more robots, better solar panels, instant communication and sophisticated green transport networks. But equally, we need to organise politically to defend the weak, empower the many and prepare the ground for reversing the absurdities of capitalism.

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There was nothing ethical about life under earlier forms of capitalism. TV shows that massively invest in calculated nostalgia, such as Downton Abbey , should make us glad to live when we do. At the same time, they might also encourage us to floor the accelerator of change. T he manifesto is one of those emotive texts that speak to each of us differently at different times, reflecting our own circumstances. Some years ago, I called myself an erratic, libertarian Marxist and I was roundly disparaged by non-Marxists and Marxists alike. Rereading the manifesto for the purposes of writing this introduction has been a little like inviting the ghosts of Marx and Engels to yell a mixture of censure and support in my ear.

It is as honest and accurate as I could make it. Seen from the perspective of the manifesto, however, the true historical agents were confined to cameo appearances or to the role of quasi-passive victims. Thankfully, rereading the manifesto has offered some solace too, endorsing my view of it as a liberal text — a libertarian one, even. Where the manifesto lambasts bourgeois-liberal virtues, it does so because of its dedication and even love for them. Liberty, happiness, autonomy, individuality, spirituality, and self-guided development are ideals that Marx and Engels valued above everything else.

If they are angry with the bourgeoisie, it is because the bourgeoisie seeks to deny the majority any opportunity to be free. Although Marx and Engels were not anarchists, they loathed the state and its potential to be manipulated by one class to suppress another. At best, they saw it as a necessary evil that would live on in the good, post-capitalist future coordinating a classless society. If this reading of the manifesto holds water, the only way of being a communist is to be a libertarian one. When everything is said and done, then, what is the bottom line of the manifesto?

And why should anyone, especially young people today, care about history, politics and the like?

Marx and Engels based their manifesto on a touchingly simple answer: authentic human happiness and the genuine freedom that must accompany it. For them, these are the only things that truly matter. Their manifesto does not rely on strict Germanic invocations of duty, or appeals to historic responsibilities to inspire us to act.

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It does not moralise, or point its finger. Marx and Engels attempted to overcome the fixations of German moral philosophy and capitalist profit motives, with a rational, yet rousing appeal to the very basics of our shared human nature. Key to their analysis is the ever-expanding chasm between those who produce and those who own the instruments of production.

The problematic nexus of capital and waged labour stops us from enjoying our work and our artefacts, and turns employers and workers, rich and poor, into mindless, quivering pawns who are being quick-marched towards a pointless existence by forces beyond our control. But why do we need politics to deal with this?

The Communist Manifesto

This outlines how and why we collect, store and use your personal data when you use our website. Like most websites, we use cookies to improve our service and make your user experience better. See our updated Privacy Policy to find out more about cookies and how we use your data. Look Inside. Surviving through countless decades of revolution and counter-revolution, Marx and Engels' incendiary treatise remains as essential today as it was in providing a framework for the people's liberation as they struggle against systems of extreme oppression across the globe. Urgent and alarmingly well-written, The Communist Manifesto resonates beyond the confines of history and political theory - issuing a call-to-arms in the fight to end crisis-ridden capitalism.

Introduction by Jodi Dean 2.

Karl Marx - The Communist Manifesto - Political Philosophy

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