Read the full-text online edition of Global Japan: The Experience of Japan's New Immigrant and Overseas Communities ().
Table of contents
Journal of Dffective Disorders 1—3: Social Networks 32 4: Gender, Place and Culture 20 7: Fujita, Y Cultural Migrants from Japan: Hamano, T Japanese women migrants in Australia: Situation the Self between ethnicity and femininity. Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 23 2: Igarashi, H, Yasumoto, S The transnational negotiation of selfhood, motherhood and wifehood: Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 23 4: Jackson, L The multiple voices of belonging: Migrant identities and community practice in South Wales.
Environment and Planning 46 7: Kurien, P Decoupling religion and ethnicity: Second-generation Indian American Christians.
Presentation
Qualitatitve Sociology 35 4: Lu, WT Confucius or Mozart? Community cultural wealth and upward mobility among children of Chinese immigrants. Qualitative Sociology 36 3: The impact of social and linguistic factors. International Journal of Intercultural Relations 34 1: Home, belonging, and the territorialization of identity. University of Zaragoza Press.
Revista de Trabajo Social 2: Displacement in chain and context of reception]. Representing an extraordinary collaboration between overseas students from Asia, Europe, and the USA, this quantity rewrites the historical past of East Asia by means of rethinking the contentious dating among Confucianism and girls. The authors speak about the absence of girls within the Confucian canonical culture and think about the presence of ladies in politics, relations, schooling, and artwork in premodern China, Korea, and Japan. The language of the word used to be stiff.
Additional resources for Global Japan: Not only is the Latino population growing very rapidly, but its major concentrations are in California directly adjacent to Mexico. As a result, California is becoming a kind of extension of the Mexican cultural region, or an Hispanic annex rather than the home to an assimilating population.
To summarise the US situation, immigration has fuelled the continued economic growth, but economic growth has been at the expense of social justice for some groups. Nevertheless the national strength of the United States seems capable of accommodating if not assimilating its minorities. Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 22 1: Social Science Quarterly 78 2: The Slum and the Ghetto: Neighborhood Deterioration and Middle Class Reform. Having graduated in , she founded a Chinese newspaper that was the second of its kind in Japan.
Its range of activities has widened to include travel services, property and administrative services.
Japanese expatriates in Singapore
In the same period, she founded in Shanghai a business also aimed at supplying the needs of migrants in Japan: There are many Chinese people who have started small businesses offering translation services, employment agencies for recruiting skilled labour from China, or matrimonial agencies. Many newcomers, in their interviews, gave us their impressions of living in a continuous space between China and Japan, its continuity hardly troubled by the formalities of crossing borders.
She goes every month to Shanghai. If she sometimes does think of settling down there again, living in the one or the other city does not seem very different to her.
Japanese diaspora
Tokyo is less and less a foreign city. All the Chinese products one could want are available there; you hear Chinese spoken everywhere; and Shanghai is only a two-and-a-half-hour flight away. In their jobs or their family lives they do not enjoy the same mobility as the transnational entrepreneurs; even so, their way of life, their attitudes to the host society and the way they see themselves do distance them from the traditional image of the immigrant worker.
It designates someone working or living in a foreign country, but the word also conveys a number of different connotations. The expatriate suggests the image of a foreign resident in a relatively privileged situation; one has the feeling that his or her relationship to the host society is not framed as for immigrants in terms of integration or exclusion: In a slightly caricatured way, the Chinese expatriate resembles the Western man or woman rather than the immigrants from less developed countries.
In Japan, there is a deep divide between Western residents and Asian immigrants. Foreigners from the West are considered as expatriates; Asians look like temporary workers. However, the Chinese people in Japan are looking increasingly like expatriates, in their lifestyle, in the image they have of themselves and in their relationship to the country of residence. Quite obviously, this similarity in behaviour reflects the similarity in socioeconomic status and educational levels among Chinese people and Westerners in Japan.
The only great difference in behaviour is in their attitudes towards naturalisation: However, like them, the expatriates aspire to a partial return to their home country and often achieve it. Indeed, it is not uncommon for Chinese couples working in Japan or the spouses of Japanese people to plan for a partial home-coming to China. Those married to Japanese people, in particular, often make such plans: To that end, many have already acquired accommodation in China; those coming from the big cities buy a place back home, while those from small towns prefer some more developed region.
The permanence of their links to their country of origin is not opposed to their integration into the country of residence. During the interviews that we conducted, the Chinese do compare themselves to Westerners, but also to Hongkongers in their extreme mobility for professional purposes. By this is meant the strategies adopted by and the effects of mobility upon businessmen, technocrats and highly qualified professionals seeking to draw a profit from different nation-states by selecting separate places for their investments, their work and their family lives.
Ong develops her theory by testing it against the case of the Hongkongers, but, to some extent, we may find the same phenomenon among mainland Chinese people in Japan. As we observed earlier, according to studies carried out in the prefectures of Kanagawa and Tokyo, the Chinese have a greater propensity to ask for Japanese nationality than Europeans or Americans.
Ministry of Justice figures show that, in numbers of naturalisations per year, the Chinese come second only to the Koreans see Table 5. The Koreans seeking Japanese nationality are mainly oldcomers, whereas the Chinese applicants are mostly newcomers. While the closed nature of Japanese society and historical differences are what still impel many Chinese people to ask for naturalisation, there are many others who do it with the sole purpose of enjoying greater international mobility.
Nationality and identity are increasingly becoming separate things, as W a 35 year-old woman puts it: Nationality and place of work may be dealt with one at a time. It is common for the Chinese to send their children to study in Anglo-Saxon countries at university level; but at the primary or secondary levels they sometimes prefer the Chinese school system to the Japanese. Research during the s on the transnational practices of migrants often created the image of migrants who no longer needed to be anchored in the society where they lived This absence of anchorage has raised disputes and concerns over what kind of civic commitment such transnational migrants could possibly have, and over the future of national models based on citizenship.
Alexandro Portes and Luis Eduardo Guarnizo, for example, examine how transnational practices can favour social mobility and thus enable immigrants to strengthen their position in the host country by finding ways around some barriers to adaptation Even more recently, Christian Joppke and Ewa Morowska demonstrate that the development of transnational practices does not necessarily negate the importance of the nation-state or the anchoring of the immigrant within it In their view, assimilation—the term these writers prefer to integration—and transnationalism are two simultaneous processes.
In the end, the important question is how people living in a transnational or supranational space perform as citizens. Tajima Junko, who has for years been researching the new Chinese immigration to Japan and its transnational character, emphasises that, in contrast with the old huaqiao she uses huaqiao in its legal sense, namely, Chinese people having permanent residence permits the new huaqiao often express the feeling of being part of Japanese society It is true that the concept of migratory circulation has enabled us, now that it is necessary, to envisage migratory phenomena from a different point of view, freed from the dichotomy between integration and return to the homeland.
Nonetheless, it is also true that, with time, the process of integration continues inevitably. We understand integration in both its senses: However, there is a range of currently accepted criteria by which the integration of migrants into the host society can be estimated: If we do apply these criteria, the Chinese newcomers in Japan show a higher level of integration into Japanese society than do many other foreigners. When we consider inter-ethnic marriages, we have seen that Chinese spouses are particularly numerous. Figures for the offspring of these mixed marriages are equally meaningful: As compared with the children of Chinese people from Latin America, the Nikkeijin, it would seem that, on the whole, the Chinese children encounter far fewer difficulties with their education.
The fact that, at secondary level, a large number of them attend private schools tends to prove their success, given that in Japan private schools are very selective. Chinese people are deeply involved in local politics, a fact that overturns the stereotypical image of Chinese communities abroad, the idea that they are turned in upon themselves and remain indifferent to the political life of the host countries. We met the Chinese representatives and former representatives, as well as the Japanese managerial staff and the leaders of associations affiliated to the Council.
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It was set up in , being the first such council in Japan; and it remains today the most active in the country. Ever since it was set up, the number of applications by Chinese residents has always been particularly high, compared with those coming from other foreign communities see Table 6. At the time of the first session in , Chinese people had sent in their applications, from a total population of 3, people, as against 72 Koreans their community being twice as numerous and 8 Brazilians from a total population of 1, people.
With the exception of the session, Chinese applications have always been the most numerous, which seems to reflect a desire to make an investment in local affairs. Migrants adapt, and become integrated into the host country. But equally, this society must accept them, and must itself change. Even though the Chinese seem to suffer less from public ostracism than did the Koreans ten years ago or than do the Brazilian Nikkeijin today, there is a recent tendency for the press and public opinion to lay responsibility for the rise in criminality at the Chinese door. It is questionable whether they have really been accepted.
This concept, very widely shared among the people, presupposes that the Japanese people is united by blood and by a unique culture: And, while it is integrating into the host country, it maintains strong links with the outside world by virtue of its transnational professional practices and expatriate status. To what extent can its presence challenge the Japanese concepts of the nation or of citizenship?
Japanese diaspora - Wikipedia
Other foreign communities have had contrasting experience. The Japanese researchers Miyajima Takashi and Kajita Takamichi consider that the presence of a growing number of foreign residents has already brought the Japanese to reconsider their concept of citizenship The Korean community, now in its fourth generation and ever more numerous and clearly resettled in Japan, is making a considerable contribution. Today, one can be sociologically Japanese without being so ethnically: The presence of the Nikkeijin, rather than opening up Japanese concepts of identity, has forced Japanese people back into their entrenched position, a culturalist definition of their identity that tends to exclude the Nikkeijin.
The new Chinese immigrants in Japan are neither ethnically nor sociologically Japanese; even though some kind of resocialisation is inevitably taking place, their Chinese references are still strong. Because they are numerous, and because, though making progress towards integration, they keep their strong Chinese cultural identity, they will also contribute towards challenging Japanese concepts of the nation and of citizenship. A multidisciplinary journal providing analysis of the latest political, economical, social and cultural trends in the Chinese world.