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The illusions I shall point to in this chapter are in no way specifically American. But they seem to me to be not infrequent in this great country; so that their very.
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He did not deny that untoward attachments to consumer goods characterized the postwar industrialized world, but he wondered if Americans, in some respects, were the least materialistic among the wealthy nations. The enormous creative energy of the American private sector, in generating wealth and giving it away, constituted for him an epochal boon to human flourishing. In his political thought, Maritain esteemed modern democracy for its potential to express the Judeo-Christian belief in the dignity of the individual.

Reflections on America.

For him, the United States added something significantly to the theological underpinnings of democracy: immigration, a nation conjured up by peoples once persecuted, rejected, and humiliated. The tears and suffering of the persecuted and unfortunate are transmuted into a perpetual effort to improve human destiny.


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In Integral Humanism , he had argued for a secular polity in which people of diverse religious backgrounds worked for the common good, albeit in a constitutional framework inspired by an implicitly theological sense of natural law and the dignity of the individual. He felt this to be a proximate reality in the United States. In Europe it means. Here it means. Please to God that you keep it carefully, and do not let your concept of separation veer round to the European one.

But he did not locate its origins strictly in English common law or Enlightenment thought. It reflected the older classical and medieval conceptions of natural law and a flourishing polity. Not bonds of necessity, but the decisions of free men, Maritain maintained, characterized the good state for Aristotle and Aquinas. Nowhere in the world has this notion of the essence of political activity been brought into existence more truly than in America. A ccordingly, he felt that the United States had a special role to play in the postwar world.

And due caution is in order, given the abuse of providentialist claims in American history. This was not a nation based on race, language, and geography but on a proposition that diverse peoples could live in freedom and preserve, in a modern secular order, a vital residuum of the classical-Christian natural-law tradition as a guarantor of human dignity.

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In forms so simply human that the pretentious and pedantic are at pains to perceive it, we find a spiritual conquest of immeasurable value. It is rather a combination of certain continuing elements of ancient Christian civilization with new temporal achievements and new historical situations. In light of his assessment of Europe, it is telling that Maritain worried about the obsequiousness with which American intellectuals looked to the Continent for intellectual direction.

To be sure, those concerned about the life of the mind on these shores might justifiably ask whether taking Maritain at his word, once again, risks indulging our craving for continental tutelage. But why not make a virtue of our national docility?

Jacques Maritain

The reign of Marx, Sartre, and Foucault has passed. Derrida is dead.

Jacques Maritain

The age of Maritain—has its hour come round at last? Close Login.


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