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Hans H. Gerth edited and translated this text into English, with an introduction by C. His work also questioned why capitalism did not develop in China. According to Weber, Confucianism and Puritanism are mutually exclusive types of rational thought , each attempting to prescribe a way of life based on religious dogma.
In this work he deals with the structure of Indian society, with the orthodox doctrines of Hinduism and the heterodox doctrines of Buddhism , with modifications brought by the influence of popular religiosity and finally with the impact of religious beliefs on the secular ethic of Indian society. Weber ended his research of society and religion in India by bringing in insights from his previous work on China to discuss similarities of the Asian belief systems.
His next work, Ancient Judaism was an attempt to prove this theory.
In Ancient Judaism , his fourth major work on the sociology of religion, Weber attempted to explain the factors that resulted in the early differences between Oriental and Occidental religiosity. Weber claimed that Judaism not only fathered Christianity and Islam, but was crucial to the rise of the modern Occidental state; Judaism's influence was as important as Hellenistic and Roman cultures.
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Weber's death in prevented him from following his planned analysis of Psalms , the Book of Job , Talmudic Jewry, early Christianity and Islam. Weber's magnum opus Economy and Society is a collection of his essays that he was working on at the time of his death in After his death, the final organization and editing of the book fell to his widow Marianne Weber. The final German form published in reflected very much Marianne Weber's work and intellectual commitment.
Beginning in , the German jurist Johannes Wincklemann began editing and organizing the German edition of Economy and Society based on his study of the papers that Weber left at his death. English versions of Economy and Society were published as a collected volume in as edited by Gunther Roth and Claus Wittich.
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As a result of the various editions in German and English, there are differences between the organization of the different volumes. The book is typically published in a two volume set in both German and English, and is more than pages long. The theodicy of fortune and misfortune within sociology is the theory, as Weber suggested, of how "members of different social classes adopt different belief systems, or theodices, to explain their social situation".
The concept of theodicy was expanded mainly with the thought of Weber and his addition of ethical considerations to the subject of religion. There is this ethical part of religion, including, " These mean, respectively, how people understand themselves to be capable of a correct relationship with supernatural powers, and how to explain evil—or why bad things seem to happen to those who seem to be good people.
In contrast, theodicies of fortune emphasise the notion that privileges are a blessing and are deserved. Weber defines the importance of societal class within religion by examining the difference between the two theodicies and to what class structures they apply. The concept of "work ethic" is attached to the theodicy of fortune; thus, because of the Protestant "work ethic", there was a contribution of higher class outcomes and more education among Protestants. Another example of how this belief of religious theodicy influences class, is that those of lower status, the poor, cling to deep religiousness and faith as a way to comfort themselves and provide hope for a more prosperous future, while those of higher status cling to the sacraments or actions that prove their right of possessing greater wealth.
These two theodicies can be found in the denominational segregation within the religious community. The main division can be seen between the mainline Protestant and evangelical denominations and their relation to the class into which their particular theodicy pertains. For example, mainline churches, with their upper class congregations, " They instead "advocated change intended to advance the cause of justice and fairness".
In political sociology , one of Weber's most influential contributions is his " Politics as a Vocation " Politik als Beruf essay.
Ethics before Marx
Therein, Weber unveils the definition of the state as that entity that possesses a monopoly on the legitimate use of physical force. Weber distinguished three ideal types of political leadership alternatively referred to as three types of domination, legitimisation or authority : [53] []. In his view, every historical relation between rulers and ruled contained such elements and they can be analysed on the basis of this tripartite distinction.
The move towards a rational-legal structure of authority, utilising a bureaucratic structure, is inevitable in the end. This ties to his broader concept of rationalisation by suggesting the inevitability of a move in this direction. Weber described many ideal types of public administration and government in his masterpiece Economy and Society His critical study of the bureaucratisation of society became one of the most enduring parts of his work.
Weber listed several preconditions for the emergence of the bureaucracy: [] The growth in space and population being administered, the growth in complexity of the administrative tasks being carried out and the existence of a monetary economy —these resulted in a need for a more efficient administrative system. Weber's ideal bureaucracy is characterised by hierarchical organisation, by delineated lines of authority in a fixed area of activity, by action taken and recorded on the basis of written rules, by bureaucratic officials needing expert training, by rules being implemented neutrally and by career advancement depending on technical qualifications judged by organisations, not by individuals.
The decisive reason for the advance of the bureaucratic organisation has always been its purely technical superiority over any other form of organisation. While recognising bureaucracy as the most efficient form of organisation and even indispensable for the modern state, Weber also saw it as a threat to individual freedoms and the ongoing bureaucratisation as leading to a "polar night of icy darkness", in which increasing rationalisation of human life traps individuals in the aforementioned " iron cage " of bureaucratic, rule-based, rational control.
Weber also formulated a three-component theory of stratification , with social class, social status and political party as conceptually distinct elements. In Weber's theory, issues of honour and prestige are important.
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This distinction is most clearly described in Weber's essay Classes, Staende, Parties , which was first published in his book Economy and Society. All three dimensions have consequences for what Weber called " life chances " opportunities to improve one's life.
Weber scholars maintain a sharp distinction between the terms status and class, even though, in casual use, people tend to use them interchangeably. As part of his overarching effort to understand the unique development of the Western world, Weber produced a detailed general study of the city as the characteristic locus of the social and economic relations, political arrangements, and ideas that eventually came to define the West. This resulted in a monograph, The City , which he probably compiled from research he conducted in — It was published posthumously in , and , was incorporated into the second part of his Economy and Society , as chapter XVI, "The City Non-legitimate Domination ".
According to Weber, the city as a politically autonomous organisation of people living in close proximity, employed in a variety of specialised trades, and physically separated from the surrounding countryside, only fully developed in the West and to a great extent shaped its cultural evolution:. The origin of a rational and inner-worldly ethic is associated in the Occident with the appearance of thinkers and prophets This context consisted of the political problems engendered by the bourgeois status-group of the city, without which neither Judaism, nor Christianity, nor the development of Hellenistic thinking are conceivable.
Weber argued that Judaism , early Christianity, theology, and later the political party and modern science, were only possible in the urban context that reached a full development in the West alone. Weber regarded himself primarily as a " political economist ", [] [] [] and all of his professorial appointments were in economics, though today his contributions in that field are largely overshadowed by his role as a founder of modern sociology.
As an economist, Weber belonged to the "youngest" German historical school of economics. Though his research interests were always in line with those of the German historicists, with a strong emphasis on interpreting economic history , Weber's defence of " methodological individualism " in the social sciences represented an important break with that school and an embracing of many of the arguments that had been made against the historicists by Carl Menger , the founder of the Austrian School of economics, in the context of the academic Methodenstreit "debate over methods" of the late 19th century.
Unlike other historicists, Weber also accepted the marginal theory of value also called "marginalism" and taught it to his students. Max Weber's article has been cited as a definitive refutation of the dependence of the economic theory of value on the laws of psychophysics by Lionel Robbins , George Stigler , [] and Friedrich Hayek , though the broader issue of the relation between economics and psychology has come back into the academic debate with the development of " behavioral economics ". Weber's best known work in economics concerned the preconditions for capitalist development, particularly the relations between religion and capitalism, which he explored in The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism as well as in his other works on the sociology of religion.
Although today Weber is primarily read by sociologists and social philosophers , Weber's work did have a significant influence on Frank Knight , one of the founders of the neoclassical Chicago school of economics , who translated Weber's General Economic History into English in Weber, like his colleague Werner Sombart , regarded economic calculation and especially the double-entry bookkeeping method of business accounting, as one of the most important forms of rationalisation associated with the development of modern capitalism.
In order to make possible a rational utilisation of the means of production, a system of in-kind accounting would have to determine "value"—indicators of some kind for the individual capital goods which could take over the role of the "prices" used in book valuation in modern business accounting.
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But it is not at all clear how such indicators could be established and in particular, verified; whether, for instance, they should vary from one production unit to the next on the basis of economic location , or whether they should be uniform for the entire economy, on the basis of "social utility", that is, of present and future consumption requirements Nothing is gained by assuming that, if only the problem of a non-monetary economy were seriously enough attacked, a suitable accounting method would be discovered or invented.
The problem is fundamental to any kind of complete socialisation. We cannot speak of a rational "planned economy" so long as in this decisive respect we have no instrument for elaborating a rational "plan". This argument against socialism was made independently, at about the same time, by Ludwig von Mises. The prestige of Max Weber among European social scientists would be difficult to over-estimate.
He is widely considered the greatest of German sociologists and Weber's most influential work was on economic sociology , political sociology , and the sociology of religion.
Derniers numéros
But whereas Durkheim, following Comte , worked in the positivist tradition, Weber was instrumental in developing an antipositivist , hermeneutic , tradition in the social sciences. Weber presented sociology as the science of human social action ; action that he separated into traditional , affectional , value-rational and instrumental. By "action" in this definition is meant the human behaviour when and to the extent that the agent or agents see it as subjectively meaningful In neither case is the "meaning" to be thought of as somehow objectively "correct" or "true" by some metaphysical criterion.
This is the difference between the empirical sciences of action, such as sociology and history and any kind of a priori discipline, such as jurisprudence, logic, ethics, or aesthetics whose aim is to extract from their subject-matter "correct" or "valid" meaning. In his own time, however, Weber was viewed primarily as a historian and an economist. The affinity between capitalism and Protestantism, the religious origins of the Western world, the force of charisma in religion as well as in politics, the all-embracing process of rationalisation and the bureaucratic price of progress, the role of legitimacy and of violence as the offspring of leadership, the "disenchantment" of the modern world together with the never-ending power of religion, the antagonistic relation between intellectualism and eroticism: all these are key concepts which attest to the enduring fascination of Weber's thinking.
Many of Weber's works famous today were collected, revised and published posthumously. Significant interpretations of his writings were produced by such sociological luminaries as Talcott Parsons and C. Wright Mills.