e-book The Spirit of 76: A Junior Novel of the American Revolution

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The Spirit of '76 is a patriotic sentiment typified by the zeitgeist surrounding the American Revolution. It refers to the attitude of self-determination and individual liberty made manifest in the U.S. Declaration of leondumoulin.nlg: Junior.
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This attitude was described by Thomas Jefferson and others as "the Spirit of ' From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. This article is about the patriotic sentiment. For other meanings, see Spirit of ' Adam Smith Institute. Retrieved 21 January Early America Review. American Cultural History. American Heritage. New York Times. Cengage Learning. Encyclopedia of Cleveland History.

Cultural Dictionary. Spirit of Town of Marblehead, Massachusetts. Houghton Mifflin. Progressive Thought Library.

Indiana State University. Declaration Legacy. Library of Congress. Lloyd Tejanos in the Texas Revolution. Pelican Publishing. An oration, delivered at Oxford: on the forty-sixth anniversary of American Independence. Hilliard and Metcalf.

Yale University Press. University of Massachusetts Press. Lexington Books. Independence and the Jeffersonian Idea of Self-Government. Peter Lang. Retrieved June 19, The Spirit of '67". Canadian Free Press. Chicago Tribune. Creators Syndicate. American Revolutionary War. Origins of the American Revolution. Continental Congress Army Navy Marines. France army navy Hortalez et Cie. Prisoners Society of the Cincinnati The Turtle.

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By using this site, you agree to the Terms of Use and Privacy Policy. It was of course impossible to make out a list of grievances against Great Britain without referring to such acts as the Stamp Act, the Declaratory Act, the Boston Port Bill, and many other legislative measures; and the framers of the Declaration, when they brought these measures into the indictment, had accordingly to resort to circumlocution in order to avoid naming the Parliament that passed them. There are, in the Declaration, two such veiled references to the Parliament.

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But with their legislature we have nothing to do, God forbid! The very name of the thing escapes us! At least, let us pretend so. They said that the British Parliament could not constitutionally tax British subjects without their consent, and that British subjects in the colonies were not, and in the nature of the case could not well be, represented in the British Parliament. Trial by jury is mentioned, but not as a right of British subjects.

Nowhere does the Declaration Edition: current; Page: [ 21 ] say, and nowhere does it imply, that the acts of the king are intolerable because they violate the rights of British subjects. Being now committed to independence, the position of the colonies could not be simply or convincingly presented from the point of view of the rights of British subjects. Separation from Great Britain was therefore justified on more general grounds, on the ground of the natural rights of man; and in order to simplify the issue, in order to make it appear that the rights of man had been undeniably and flagrantly violated, it was expedient that these rights should seem to be as little as possible limited or obscured by the positive and legal obligations that were admittedly binding upon British subjects.

To place the Resolution of Independence Edition: current; Page: [ 22 ] in the best light possible, it was convenient to assume that the connection between the colonies and Great Britain had never been a very close connection, never, strictly speaking, a connection binding in positive law, but only a connection voluntarily entered into by a free people. On this ground the doctrine of the rights of man would have a free field and no competitors.

The specific grievances enumerated in the Declaration were accordingly presented from the point of view of a carefully considered and resolutely held constitutional theory of the British empire. The essence of this theory, nowhere explicitly formulated in the Declaration, but throughout implicitly taken for granted, is that the colonies became parts of the empire by their own voluntary act, and remained parts of it solely by virtue of a compact subsisting between them and the king.

Their rights were those of all men, of every free people; their obligations such as a free people might incur by professing allegiance to the personal head of the empire. On this theory, both the Parliament and the rights of British subjects could be ignored as irrelevant to the issue. The specific grievances complained of in the Declaration are grievances no longer.

As concrete issues they are happily dead. But the Edition: current; Page: [ 23 ] way in which the men of those days conceived of these concrete issues, the intellectual preconceptions, illusions if you like, which were born of their hopes and fears, and which in turn shaped their conduct — these make the Declaration always interesting and worthy of study. It is not my intention to search out those particular measures of the British government which served in the mind of Jefferson and his friends to validate each particular charge against the king.

This could indeed be done, and has been sufficiently done already; but the truth is that when one has found the particular act to which in each case the particular charge was intended to refer, one is likely to think the poor king less malevolently guilty than he is made out to be. Yet that Jefferson and his friends, honest and good men enough, and more intelligent than most, were convinced that the Declaration was a true bill, we need not doubt.

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How this could be may be understood, a little at least, by seeing how the pressure of circumstances enabled the men of those days to accept as true their general philosophy of human rights and their particular theory of the British empire. In the late eighteenth century it was widely accepted as a commonplace. He was perhaps a little irritated by the laudation which Fourth of July orators were lavishing on his friend, and wished to remind his countrymen that others had had a hand in the affair.

Nothing could Edition: current; Page: [ 25 ] have been more futile than an attempt to justify a revolution on principles which no one had ever heard of before. Of that I am not to be the judge. Richard H. I know only that I turned to neither book nor pamphlet while writing it. I did not consider it as any part of my charge to invent new ideas altogether and to offer no sentiment which had ever been expressed before.

In writing to Lee, in , Jefferson said again that he only attempted to express the ideas of the Whigs, who all thought alike on the subject. The essential thing was. Not to find out new principles, or new arguments, never before thought of, not merely to say things which had never been said before; but to place before mankind the common sense of the subject, in terms so plain and firm Edition: current; Page: [ 26 ] as to command their assent.

Neither aiming at originality of principles or sentiments, nor yet copied from any particular and previous writing, it was intended to be an expression of the American mind. All its authority rests then on the harmonizing sentiments of the day, whether expressed in conversation, in letters, printed essays, or the elementary books of public right, as Aristotle, Cicero, Locke, Sidney, etc.

But it does not appear that Jefferson, or any American, read many French books. Jefferson doubtless read Filmer as well as Locke; but the Edition: current; Page: [ 28 ] phrases of Filmer, happily, do not appear in the Declaration. Generally speaking, men are influenced by books which clarify their own thought, which express their own notions well, or which suggest to them ideas which their minds are already predisposed to accept.

Spirit of '76 (sentiment)

What we have to seek is the origin of those common underlying preconceptions that made the minds of many men, in different countries, run along the same track in their political thinking. The Whigs needed an antidote, and Locke found one in his modified version of the original compact. It is significant that English writers were formulating a new version of the compact theory in the seventeenth century, while French and American writers made little use of it until the late eighteenth century.

This does not necessarily mean that British writers were more intelligent and up-to-date, but is probably due to the fact that in British history the seventeenth century was the time of storm and stress for kings, whereas this time fell later in France and Edition: current; Page: [ 30 ] America. Jefferson used the compact theory to justify revolution just as Locke did: the theory came with the revolution in both cases. The idea that secular political authority rested upon compact was not new — far from it; and it had often enough been used to limit the authority of princes.

It could scarcely have been otherwise indeed in that feudal age in which the mutual obligations of vassal and Edition: current; Page: [ 31 ] overlord were contractually conceived and defined.

Vassals were often kings and kings often vassals; but all were manifestly vassals of God who was the Lord of lords and the King of kings. Thus mediaeval philosophers had conceived of the authority of princes as resting upon a compact with their subjects, a compact on their part to rule righteously, failing which their subjects were absolved from allegiance; but this absolution was commonly thought to become operative only through the intervention of the Pope, who, as the Vicegerent of God on earth, possessed by divine right authority over princes as well as over other men.

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Thus princes ruled by divine right after all, only their right was a second hand right, deriving from God through the Pope. To Him only they are accountable. This clearly closed the door to relief in case there should be any bad kings. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries there were a number of bad kings; and so some people were always to be found seeking a method of bringing bad kings to book. Calvin was one of the writers who opened up this latter inviting prospect to suceeding generations.

The first duty of subjects towards their rulers is to entertain the most honorable views of their office, recognizing it [the office not the king as a delegated jurisdiction Edition: current; Page: [ 33 ] from God, and on that account receiving and reverencing them as the ministers and ambassadors of God.