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Obter livro impresso. Comprar livros no Google Play Procure a maior eBookstore do mundo e comece a ler hoje na web, no tablet, no telefone ou eReader. Sociology of Deviant Behavior. Marshall Clinard , Robert Meier. Cengage Learning , 14 de fev.

DEVIANT PROGRESSION

Looking for a textbook with simplified terminology and endless study helps? Now in its 13th edition, this textbook continues to be the best of its kind on the market. After you use its study guides and get the grade you need, you'll see why. Important Notice: Media content referenced within the product description or the product text may not be available in the ebook version. Deviant Events and Social Control. Becoming Deviant. Anomie and Conflict Theories. Labeling Control and Learning Theories of Deviance. Crimes of Interpersonal Violence. Nonviolent Crime. The sample included females By youth self-report, there were European-Americans Biological fathers were present in families Youth reports of substance use tobacco, alcohol, marijuana were collected at age 12, 13, and 16— Adolescents were asked to indicate the number of occasions they had used each substance during the past month.

Because rates of substance use were very low before age 14, early use was derived by combining dichotomous indicators of use at age 12 and 13; participants were designated as users 1 if they reported any level of use at either age 12 or 13; otherwise they were designated as nonusers 0. Before age 14, out of At age 19, participants completed an interviewer-administered version of the Composite International Diagnostic Interview CIDI; World Health Organization, , a standardized mental health assessment that collects diagnostic information about multiple mental health disorders using DSM-IV criteria.

For our study, we used past-year diagnoses of nicotine, alcohol, and marijuana dependence.

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Each of these was a dichotomous indicator i. Our sample included the following numbers of individuals classified in each category: nicotine dependence 48 out of , 6. We used a combination of mother, father, and youth reports and observational measures of deviant peer affiliation. The four data sources were combined into a single measure of deviant peer affiliation at age 16—17 using a latent construct; baseline measures were also collected from youth. At ages 12 and 13 the baseline measures and at age 16—17, youth used four items to report the number of times in the past week that they had spent time with peers engaged in problem behavior e.

Responses ranged from 0 never to 7 more than seven times. Mothers and fathers used four items to report on the percentage of the youth's friends who engaged in problem behavior e. At age 16—17 years, participants took part in a videotaped interaction task with a same-sex, self-nominated friend who was between 14 and 21 years old and had no familial relationship to the participant.

Each dyad participated in a minute discussion covering eight topics, including planning an activity together, a currently nominated problem of the participant, a currently nominated problem of the friend, drug and alcohol use, goals for the next year, friends and peer groups, dating, and planning a party. The videotapes were coded by undergraduate trained research assistants who were blind to the participant groupings and experimental hypotheses. Thus, deviancy training was measured using the average length of rule-breaking bouts, that is, the percentage of the total time a dyad engaged in conversation about deviant topics.

Deviant topics included all verbal and nonverbal behavior that was not appropriate to the setting or that violated community or societal norms e. Youth reports of parental monitoring at ages 12 and 13 were measured by averaging across five items. Items reflected the degree to which parents knew of the youth's location, activities, and companions during free time e.

Responses ranged from 1 never or almost never to 5 always or almost always.

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Youth reports of antisocial behavior at ages 12 and 13 were measured averaging across nine items. Responses ranged from 0 never to 6 more than 20 times. SES was measured using a combination of parental employment status, parental education, family housing status, family income, and financial aid status. When data were available for both parents, the highest level of each variable among the two parents was chosen.

Regarding gender, we coded females as 1 and males as 0. For ethnicity, we coded European Americans as 1 and other ethnicities as 0.


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Early deviant peer affiliation was included in the model to control for individual differences at baseline; when predicting the outcome measures, we wished to assess change in deviant peer affiliation from age to as the mediating factor. The dependent variables i. Depending on the outcome, we controlled for use of the relevant substance in middle adolescence e. Covariances among variables at each age were freely estimated, which accounted for within-time covariation that was not pertinent to our analyses not presented in Figure 1. Finally, given that research has found sex and ethnic differences in patterns of substance dependence Wallace et al.

Because this sample was derived from a randomized controlled trial of an intervention, we also applied a chi-square deviance test to evaluate whether the results at each modeling step were different for the intervention and control groups.

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This technique provides an unbiased assessment of statistical significance even in situations in which the indirect effect is not normally distributed. All modeling was conducted using Mplus 6. Because of the nature of our outcome variables i. Descriptive data and intercorrelations are presented in Table 1. Spearman's correlations, median, and range provided for count-based data i.

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We initially fit a model in which early substance use predicted nicotine, alcohol, and marijuana dependence at age 19 see Figure 2 ; paths to dichotomous measures of dependence are presented as Odds Ratios. Early use was a significant predictor of later dependence on tobacco, alcohol, and marijuana; no other effects were significant. Direct effects model. Key paths are in black; other paths are in gray. Paths to dichotomous measures of dependence are presented as Odds Ratios.

We then fit a mediation model for each substance and found that early use significantly predicted both deviant peer affiliation and substance use in middle adolescence age 16—17 , and both in turn significantly predicted dependence see Figure 3. Since Mplus does not provide standardized betas for dichotomous outcomes, we initially fit a model that only included baseline measures and deviant peer affiliation at age ; Figure 3 includes the standardized betas and factor loadings from this reduced model unstandardized values were the same across all models ; paths to dichotomous measures of dependence age 19 are presented as Odds Ratios, and paths to count-based measures of use age are exponentiated betas.

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There were no significant effects of covariates on dependence or deviant peer affiliation, but there were effects on substance use at age ; these are presented as exponentiated betas in Table 2. Mediated model. Standardized betas were obtained in a separate reduced model, since these are not provided by Mplus for models with dichotomous outcomes.

Paths to dichotomous measures of dependence age 19 are presented as Odds Ratios; paths to count-based measures of use age are exponentiated betas. In our direct effects model see Figure 2 , early substance use emerged as an important predictor of later nicotine, alcohol, and marijuana dependence, even when controlling for early antisocial behavior, deviant peer affiliation, parental monitoring, and SES.

Early substance use predicted both an increase in use across time as well as a tendency for youth to self-organize into peer groups that engaged in deviant behavior in mid-adolescence see Figure 3. In turn, involvement with deviant peers and escalations in substance use were both found to mediate the links between early substance use and later dependence on nicotine, alcohol, and marijuana.

Our findings emerged despite relatively low rates for dependence in our sample, and did not differ by sex or ethnicity European-American vs. We suggest that early substance use has two consequences: first, youth are trained to use substances on a regular basis; and second, use of substances provides a venue for social engagement with a particular group of peers that are favorably inclined toward delinquent behavior.

This self-organization into deviant peer groups appears to be a key mechanism in the progression from early use to later dependence across a variety of substances, and the influence of this process was independent of the escalations in use that typically accompany early use and membership in delinquent groups. From a theoretical perspective, our results suggest that the development of substance dependence may have a significant social component that is a function of the centrality of substance use in the social interactions of deviant peer groups.

Future research should probe more deeply at the nature of social interactions in deviant peer groups in an effort to determine the exact manner in which these interactions promote substance dependence. Speculatively, a psychological link between regular substance use and positive emotions such as belonging and acceptance could facilitate the later transition from use to dependence; alternatively, a high degree of substance use may serve to establish social status in a context where substance use is viewed very favorably.


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From an applied perspective, these findings suggest that there is room for improvement in our prevention armamentarium. Such improvement could include an emphasis on identifying and intervening in early substance use before it has the opportunity to become an organizing factor in friendship selection and interaction. In addition, prevention programs that could effectively disrupt deviant or substance-centric peer groups would be highly beneficial. This topic remains a noteworthy, if vastly underexplored, avenue for extending the science of substance use prevention.

We did not find effects of the FCU on our dichotomous classifications of dependence at age 19, although previous research that used an intention-to-treat ITT design with this sample revealed reduced substance use from age 11 to 14, and these changes were mediated by changes in parental monitoring for the high-risk students Dishion et al. Several limitations of this study should temper interpretation of the results. Third, early deviant peer affiliation was included in our model to control for individual differences at baseline; however, since our measures begin at age 12, we cannot be completely sure whether substance use preceded deviant peer affiliation or vice versa, and thus a degree of bias may be present.

Finally, we did have a degree of missing data at later waves, but exploratory analyses reported above suggested that these data were not missing in a systematic manner, so our results should not be substantially biased. In conclusion, we found that early substance use can be an entryway into a delinquent social context in which substance use forms the basis for social interaction, increasing the likelihood that an individual will develop substance dependence later in adolescence.

Our results emerged even when accounting for escalations in use across adolescence, which similarly mediated the links between early use and later dependence. Prevention programs that attempt to identify early users and disrupt the formation of deviant peer clusters in early adolescence could potentially forestall the escalation to later dependence.

Researchers have rarely examined the developmental dynamics involved in the progression from early substance use to later diagnosable substance use disorder. Early substance use also predicted a tendency for youth to self-organize into deviant peer groups age , which in turn mediated the links between early use and later dependence.