Alonso Pérez de Montalbán. Un librero en el Madrid de los Austrias (Spanish Edition)

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The deaf residents were apparently well integrated into monastic life—no doubt because manual signs provided a mode of communication equally accessible to deaf and hearing brethren alike. The deaf pupils' life among the monks was neither austere nor reclusive. Considerable amounts of money—all that the children's families paid Ponce for educating them and more—was lavished on their food, servants, and guests who regularly came to call. Among the royal retinue on this latter occa-.

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If Ponce's pupils led rather worldly lives, so too did their teacher. Far from remaining in the silence of the cloister, where time hung heavy on his hands and there was nothing better to do than ponder the instruction of his charges, the record suggests that Spain's most celebrated educator of deaf children was a busy, worldly man, engaged in a whirlwind of activities that competed for his attention.

From to he served as teniente mayordomo, an administrative position concerned with rent payments, tithes, first fruits, and contributions to the Church. And in an era in which monasteries were frequently embroiled in litigation, more than once he served as procurator, a post that would have required him to leave the cloister to defend monastery interests in the court of law.

Our celebrated Benedictine also devoted himself wholeheartedly to another worldly activity, that of money lender. To judge from the number of loans recorded in Ponce's name, "one might think Secured by debtors' property at an annual interest charge of 7. Treatises of the day, asserting that redeemable rent charges would lead to the ruin of agriculture, condemned them on economic grounds—and on moral grounds as well, for they were viewed as a form of usury. No doubt Ponce was kept busy by his various activities, so busy that he often failed to attend memorial services and masses.

On his deathbed in August he lamented, "because I was busy Ponce was entombed within the church, in front of the pulpit where the transept crosses the nave, an honor that had never before been bestowed on one who was not an abbot. Inevitably, Ponce's fame grew. The news would have been carried abroad as well, for Poncc's fellow monks maintained contact with their brethren throughout Europe.

Publication of various eyewitness accounts likewise documented what the industrious Benedictine had wrought. And what was more, from wri-. The physician's testimony was not to be doubted, for he had firsthand knowledge of his subject: In rejecting the "commonsense" views of his day, Ponce had refuted beliefs that had gone unquestioned for centuries. He had shown that deaf people could be taught and that they could receive the Sacraments. He was committed to articulation as part of their education, quite likely because of the legal restrictions imposed on deaf people who could not talk, and specifically because of the prohibition against succeeding to an entailed estate, which could have affected some of his aristocratic pupils.

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Although a deaf community of sorts must have existed at Ofia during these years, there is no reason to believe the monk ever viewed deaf people in general, or his deaf pupils in particular, as such. Deaf residents seem to have been integrated into monastic life to a considerable extent, and the hearing brethren also signed. Ponce's instruction was limited to the privileged few [97] —several centuries would pass before deaf education would be extended beyond the aristocracy—yet his work contributed to a shift in consciousness regarding deaf people.

For his achievements, Pedro Ponce was, according to his funeral eulogy, "renowned in all the world. But as this same monk went on to observe, "He never tried to teach [his method] to another; and we all know how much more it is to form teachers in a profession than to be one. In any home where there are mutes Sire, Your Highness will forgive me, but I cannot tell you, because I gave the teacher my word that I would keep his secret.

He did not need to speak in order to govern his estates, [for] the majesty of his judgment and talent put everything in order. Pedro Ponce lived and taught in a silent, signing monastery but trained no successor, and after his death the teaching of deaf people in Spain seems to have been interrupted for a time. At this point the teaching was no longer solely in the hands of members of religious orders, and the students, while still from aristocratic families, could now be found living outside the monastery. Yet each tutor continued to have only a small number of students to whom he devoted an extraordinary amount of time and effort.

The results thus obtained were excellent—it could hardly be otherwise, given these conditions. But when the teaching moved beyond the monastery walls, the methodology changed considerably. Deaf students came to be instructed by methods originally devised for the hearing, and. Educated deaf aristocrats entered the public arena, rising to positions of great visibility and importance at home and abroad; by their example, which could hardly have passed unnoticed, they contributed to the growing awareness that deaf people could be educated, and assume their rightful place in society.

He was deaf from birth. Deafness was no stranger to Don Alonso's family, for in keeping with the practice of the Spanish aristocracy, the family had often opted for consanguineous marriages. All these deaf relatives had been sent to the convent, but in a break with this tradition, the deaf marquis would be educated at his home in Montilla, in Seville.

The young nobleman was eighteen years old. The marquis of Priego was at first reluctant to allow his teacher to depart. His instruction was incomplete; moreover, the young nobleman was no doubt somewhat dependent on his tutor to administer his estates. The tutor, it will be remembered, had in all probability been a schoolteacher before turning to deaf education, and from what can be pieced together, the pedagogy he employed with deaf children was much like that he had used with the hearing.

One technique consisted of teaching reading by reducing the name of each letter to the sound associated with it. The letter s, for instance, which in Spanish is called. The tutor would boast some years later that with his method, in but a short time, "a child can learn to read aloud without faltering In Madrid, when he was six years old, I taught the constable of Castile, who is alive today, to read in thirteen days, with such success that he needed no additional teaching other than practice in order to read fluently.

His Excellency Our Lord the King attested to it when His Majesty wished to hear the marquis of Fresno [young Luis Velasco] read and speak in my presence, such inventiveness being accredited and the inventor honored in the presence of such a great monarch. By Juan Bautista had prepared for publication a book that included his brother's materials; [16] his Pronunciaciones generales de lenguas appeared five years later. In reality, however, the idea was not new, for already more than one hundred years earlier the Spanish grammarian Antonio Nebrija had advocated designating the letters by their sounds, and by the early seventeenth century this approach was fairly widespread.

Once again the evidence is provided by Juan Bautista's book, which. Spelling on the fingers, like the technique of using sound-letter correspondences to teach reading, was hardly an innovation, for the hand alphabet described by Bautista was essentially the same one published in in Fray Melchor Yebra's Refugium infirmorum. Yebra may have been the first to publish the manual alphabet in Spain, but he was not its inventor, for systems using the hands and parts of the body to represent numbers and letters have been attested as far back as.

Greek and Roman antiquity. Yebra added that some of these individuals, "compelled by necessity," had already mastered the hand alphabet "in order to deal with and communicate with people. But we have no direct knowledge of how he went about instructing deaf students, for he left no written record of his methods.

Instead, there has come down to us only an account of his penchant for secrecy. The first day I was to begin the lessons of the marquis of Fresno [Luis de Velasco], since he was so young he was not yet eight years old, he refused to go in alone with me for the lesson, and asked that his brother the constable attend.

That was what was done, and before beginning I asked the constable to give me his word as a gentleman that he would reveal to no one the secret of that teaching. His Excellency promised me, and he kept his word so well, that one day when His Highness asked him whether his brother could speak yet, he answered affirmatively. And when asked who was teaching him, he gave the teacher's name. And when asked if he had seen him give a lesson, he again said yes. And when he came to ask him how he taught him, he replied with great integrity, "Sire, Your Highness will forgive me, but I cannot tell you, because I gave the teacher my word that I would keep his secret.

When the tutor was summoned from Montilla, the Aragonese Juan Pablo Bonet, secretary to young Constable Bernardino, was residing in the Velasco household. Bonet was also a man of letters, a scholar of classical languages, as well as French and Italian, and an author of mediocre verse. After the constable's death in , Bonet had stayed on in the service of his son and successor, Bernardino, who was but four years old at the time. Young Luis's education was incomplete, and the duchess once again searched for a teacher for her son.

Various individuals attempted to continue his training, among them Juan Pablo Bonet. Bonet would later recount that he had been moved to his efforts as much by love and obligation to the house of the constable as by the duchess's enormous and heartfelt endeavors on her son's behalf. Thus, it is not surprising that Luis's new tutor met with no success. This failure deterred the loyal employee neither from composing a book on the subject—the first published work of its kind—nor from professing to have been Luis's teacher, nor from intimating that he was the inventor of the art of teaching deaf people, claiming to have found at last a "secret path by which to enter and a smooth road by which to depart.

Moreover, he noted that "we know of not one [mute] who has spoken Here the author appeared to acknowledge the existence of other mutes who had been taught to talk—small wonder, considering that when he composed his book, he was living in the home of the constables of Castile, whose ancestors had been taught by Pedro Ponce two generations earlier. In the first part of the book, Reduction de las letras, Bonet wrote that children learning to read should not be taught the names of the letters, but instead, the sounds associated with them.

In addition to the discussion about teaching reading, the Reduction de las letras also contained a good many curious and farfetched observations about the nature of the letters. For instance, the author argued that the form of each letter was itself suggestive of its pronunciation. Thus the letter A, he maintained, when laid on its side, suggested the wide open position of the mouth, and the line that crosses it indicated that the mouth was to remain open during its articulation; the letter B, with its two semi-circles joined in the center, suggested the closed position assumed by the lips to produce it; and so on.

A second cause of muteness, he wrote, was a defect of the tongue, so that an individual might be mute but not deaf. A person with both defects would be deaf as well as mute. Only those in whom muteness was due to deafness alone could be helped by the precepts of Bonet's Arte. The work contained a method for instructing deaf students, along with an essay on how to formulate an indecipherable code and decipher coded messages, and a treatise on Greek.

Also included was an explanation of how to apply the principles of the Arte to teach mutes of other nations, since muteness was, in this writer's words, "a common illness" But if Bonet's account of the underlying cause of muteness was correct, his view of muteness itself could hardly have been more negative, for he contended that it impeded "the manifestation of the rational soul"—the belief that speech came from the soul and was the sole purveyor of reason was still with us—and he held that as a consequence, mutes "lose their standing as men before others, being left so unfit for communication that it seems they serve as no more than piteous monsters of nature, which imitate our form" It is doubtful that Pedro Ponce, living in a monastery where speech was proscribed and sign language was used regularly to communicate, would have shared such uninformed views about muteness.

The author of the Arte rejected the harsh and futile methods deaf people were subjected to in his day, procedures such as "taking the mutes to the countryside, and in valleys where the voice has greater sonority, to make them give loud shouts, and with such violence that they came to bleed from the mouth, putting them also in buckets where the voice reverberated loudly, and they could hear it amplified. He reasoned that knowledge of articulation could be acquired visually, and in that way the deaf person might be taught to speak, albeit without hearing.

The deaf pupil would produce the right sound when shown how to correctly position his articulators, just as strumming a guitar would produce the desired chord when the student's fingers were properly positioned on the strings. The optimal time to teach the deaf child to talk, Bonet believed, was when the pupil was between the ages of six and eight. Thanks to Bonet's book, this alphabet would eventually spread throughout continental Europe and the Americas, where its use among deaf people continues to this day. At the same time the student learned to form the letters on his fingers, he also learned to write them.

The next step was articulation. At this point the pupil was to be alone with his instructor, according to the author, because "the task requires very great attention, and that he not be distracted" The two should be in a well-lit place, so the learner could readily observe the tutor's mouth. The teacher was counseled to be very patient, and to allow the pupil many tries.

If the student became distressed because he. Bonet likened the teaching of pronunciation to the task of tuning two instruments to the same pitch when neither tuner could hear the other's instrument. The Arte recognized that many aspects of articulation occur inside the mouth and consequently are not visible to the student. Nevertheless, the author advised, "it would not be prudent to oblige all who address the mute to do so with the mouth open"; were hearing people to pronounce in such an exaggerated fashion, it would lead the mute to make faces when he spoke, and such grimaces would be "ugly" in deaf and hearing alike To teach articulation, "for ease and so as not to go around putting one's fingers in the mute's mouth positioning his tongue," Bonet advocated use of a leather tongue to demonstrate the shapes it assumed and to supplement what could be seen of the tutor's mouth — And to illustrate the multiple vibrations of the Spanish rr, he recommended a paper tongue, to be set in motion by blowing across it.

Bonet's approach was highly methodical, with the complexity of the material increasing gradually. After the student learned to pronounce individual sounds—first the vowels, then the consonants—he progressed to syllables, then simple words referring to concrete objects present in the room. Next he learned to read aloud from a printed text; comprehension was not deemed important at this point but would come later.

The tenses were reduced to three: The parts of speech were also reduced to three: Concrete nouns were taught by directly associating the word with the referent; abstract nouns were taught by "demonstrative actions," which Bonet declined to describe, "leaving this to the teachers' good judgment and discretion," but suggesting that the gestures they devised should evoke what they wished to depict The "passions of the soul," however—love, hate, jealousy, contrition, anger, cruelty, and so on—were not to be taught by demonstration; instead, the teacher was to wait until the pupil found himself in the throes of one of these emotions, then supply its name.

These passions might be provoked in the learner for pedagogical purposes, but in so doing, Bonet cautioned, care should be taken not to lead him to sin. The student should be asked each evening what he had done during the day, and if he could not reply, the tutor should supply him with the appropriate response. Once the fundamentals of language had been mastered, the written word would form the basis for further acquisition.

At this point the pupil should be given books to read, beginning with the most simple, and he should be obliged to pen answers to questions about them posed in writing, and thus engage in "lengthy conversations" — As for lipreading, Bonet was convinced that it could not be taught. He argued that since the teacher himself did not possess this ability, and since he could not teach what he did not know, he could not possibly impart this skill to the pupil. Nevertheless, the author acknowledged that "many mutes" could read from the lips without instruction. He considered such individuals "exceptions" and credited their skill to their own "great attention," rather than to the genius of the teacher.

Although Bonet's pedagogy allowed for pantomime and gestures, which he called "demonstrative actions," he took a dim view of the use of signs. One such sign was used, however, to instruct the pupil to join sounds to form syllables, or to join syllables to form words. One hand described a circle in the air, or as an alternative, the two hands were clasped tightly together — Arbitrary signs were also used to explain verb tenses. For "past" the hand moved back over the shoulder, and for "future" the hand arched forward in front of the body.

Another arbitrary sign conveyed the concept "many": The description is rather imprecise, but the gesture seems similar, if not iden-. At this point Bonet made his only reference to the signs in use among deaf Spaniards at that time, commenting that this gesture, which was apparently unfamiliar to hearing people, "in the mutes signifies 'many'" This last remark is intriguing, for it seems to imply that there were common, agreed upon signs among an identifiable group of deaf people, suggesting their regular interaction in a confined geographical area, and possibly the existence of a deaf community and an established sign language.

Such a group could no doubt have included the deaf members of the Velasco family, their deaf relatives, and most likely some hearing members of their households as well. The signs could well have been in use for generations, formed on the hands of Ponce's pupils Francisco and Pedro de Velasco, their deaf sisters Juliana and Bernardina, their grandnephew Luis de Velasco, and their deaf relatives at Montilla—the marquis of Priego, his aunt, and his sister. But the author had nothing more to say about this matter, leaving us to speculate on the existence of a Spanish deaf community and a Spanish sign language in his day.

Bonet was well aware of the ease of communication afforded by signs, for he held that they were our "natural language," and he observed that when two deaf people met, albeit for the first time, they could understand each other by way of signs Nevertheless, when it came to the use of signs in the deaf student's household, Bonet was adamantly opposed.

The pupil should be forbidden to use them, as should those hearing people who communicated with him. Instead, hearing individuals were to address the deaf person via the manual alphabet, and the deaf person was to respond orally. In all likelihood, however, deaf persons would have used signs to communicate with hearing members of the household, and hearing people would have responded in the same fashion.

Indeed, the fact that Bonet admonished his hearing readers not to use signs with the "mutes" suggests that they were doing just that. And after all, the author himself learned deaf people's sign for "many. Bonet's intransigence, his insistence on speech and on the total exclusion of signs in communicating with deaf people, would become the cornerstone of oralism. As we have seen, this misguided effort to "rehabilitate" deaf students through artificial speech, and thus to restore to them their "standing as men before others," as Bonet put it, arose when an already existent pedagogy was inappropriately applied to a population for whose needs it had not been designed.

Indeed, the "oral method" might be more accurately called the "hearing method.

Instead, an attempt was made to force deaf signers into a speaking and hearing mold, and this entailed suppressing their sign language. Nevertheless, in the prologue the author discussed various inventions, among them the instruction of deaf people, and like Bonet before him, he too represented himself as the inventor of the teaching:.

And why should we not enumerate among the greatest [inventions] albeit to our own glory the art of teaching the mute—be they mute from birth, or because they became deaf in childhood because of an accident—to read, write, and speak with the voice, an invention of which I am exceedingly proud, [and] of which I have numerous accredited examples.

The first would be the marquis of Priego, my employer[;] had his teaching not been interrupted at the optimal age, he would speak with much perfection, just as he had started to do at the beginning of [his instruction]; but with what His Excellency reads and writes, assisted by his great understanding, he governs his estates in such a way that he justly deserves the name of prudent.

The second example, fully consummated, would be the marquis of Fresno Don Luis de Velasco, brother of the constable of Castile, in whose teaching I spent four years, and what with having had some interruptions, I barely had three; he reads, writes, speaks, and reasons with such ability that one notices in him no other impediment except his deafness. In the same prologue the author also claimed to have invented the reading method he had utilized with Bernardino de Velasco, the seventh constable of Castile, even though, as we have seen, the technique was already well known. Those deaf from birth will of necessity be mute, and also those who become deaf in childhood, even if they had been able to speak.

The reason for the first [phenomenon] is that since words are chosen arbitrarily by the will of men and have by nature no more meaning than that which is given them by the consent of their first inventors, he who has never heard can hardly know what name was given to the "hat" by one who, just as he called it thus, could as well have called it "taratala" and it would mean the same. Whence we understand that of necessity what the tongue is to pronounce must first enter by the ear. The same occurs in one who loses his hearing in childhood, since being unable to conserve the notion of the words because the brain is very tender and because he has made little use of them, he forgets them easily.

To which is added the fact that it is not possible to reinforce the memory with the use of his own pronunciation or that of others, since he lacks. Because he who is totally deaf not only does not hear what is said to him, but not even what he himself pronounces; whence it is demonstrated also that the mute's impediment is born of the deficiency of the ear and not of the tongue, because the latter is free and disposed to speak if the memory administers the words and they know how to form the articulation.

Which doctrine is proven with the example of mutes taught to speak by art, who move the tongue and articulate without impediment. And if someone tells me that they do not do so with the perfection of those who hear, I will reply that that is not much, since they have not perceived what is spoken by way of the instrument nature destined for their apprehension, which is the ear, on account of being deprived of it, and art must make use of extraordinary measures to inform the tongue.

For this we may rely at least in part on Bonet's book, which as we have seen most likely represents what the author could glean of the secretive tutor's tactics. But another physician by the name of Sachs of Lewenheim provided an account of a cure for deafness attributed to Pedro de Castro.

After the patient had been purged "according to his physical constitution, or temperament," the crown of the head was shaved, then slathered with an ointment concocted from spirits, saltpeter or purified niter, and oil of bitter almonds. The mixture was boiled until the spirits evaporated, after which one ounce of naphtha was mixed in well with a spatula. The salve was applied twice daily, and especially at night before the deaf person retired. In the morning, once his face was washed and his hair combed back with an ivory comb, the patient was spoken to at the bald spot, with the result that "the deaf-mute hears with clarity the voice that in no way could he hear through the ears.

If so, we can understand why no such procedures appear in Bonet's book. The teaching method described by Sachs differed not one whit from the techniques advocated by Bonet: The omission of any reference to Ponce is particularly glaring because both writers cite a goodly number of authorities—Bonet, for instance, at the beginning of his book lists seventy-four authors cited in the text. Both were, after all, in the employ of the Velascos, whose deaf ancestors Ponce had instructed two generations earlier, and no doubt the family had kept alive the memory of those deaf relatives and their venerable teacher.

View Alonso Perez De Montalban Un Librero En El Madrid De Los Austrias

Some have speculated that Bonet, while in the employ of the constable, would have had access to notebooks belonging to Ponce's students, their papers, and possibly even the monk's manuscript, and that in his Arte he merely plagiar-. What, if any, was his link to Pedro Ponce? For one thing, there was the role of signs in instruction. Bonet's prohibition of their use marked a radical departure from Ponce's approach, which apparently employed them liberally.

Bonet sought to banish signs from the deaf person's household and advocated obliging him to speak—"it is not well that those who talk to him use signs, nor that they permit him to make use of them, but rather that he respond by mouth," he declared. Then there was the question of the manual alphabet. Finally, there was the phonic method of teaching the sound for each letter. In addition to differences in the tools of the trade like signs and the manual alphabet, there was another, even more important distinction between the two methods.


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In short, he treated deaf pupils as if they were hearing. In so doing, he emerges as the oralist par excellence. After publishing his book in , Juan Pablo Bonet showed no more interest in deaf education; instead, he dedicated the remainder of his life to politics. His career had been at a virtual standstill since , when Juan de Velasco, the sixth constable of Castile, had died, and the world's first published author on deaf education had stayed on in the service of Don Juan's son Bernardino, the seventh constable.

That same year Philip III made Bonet a varlet servant, a modest palace official whose duty it was to inspect and clean the king's cutlery on days when the monarch was to eat in public, to supply him with bread wrapped in a napkin, and to see to the tasting of foods before they were served. The following year Philip IV named Bonet's new employer special ambassador to the Holy See, and the author of the Arte packed his bags and journeyed with the count of Monterrey to Rome.

For his efforts he incurred the enmity of his compatriots, but a few months later Philip IV rewarded his loyalty by making him a member of the Order of Santiago. This would be Bonet's last mission, for he died in Madrid in The order, which Luis was authorized to enter in the town of Berlanga, granted him lands, jurisdiction over them, and the right to collect rent, and exempted him from the obligation of residing there. He maintained correspondence with various Spanish and European personalities and stood in for his elder brother Bernardino, the seventh constable of Castile, when the latter was called away because of his obligations as governor of Milan and captain general of the army of Old Castile.

During Don Bernardino's absences Luis de Velasco was left in charge of the household, on occasion replacing the constable in his duties at the royal palace and representing him at various public functions. Here, then, was a highly visible deaf nobleman who by his example no doubt contributed to the growing awareness that deaf people could be educated and could execute the duties associated with their station in life.

The Young nobleman's instruction had been interrupted at a crucial stage, and his teacher was not to return until some four years later. Throughout his life, the marquis of Priego seldom ventured from his estates at Montilla, for to do so was to find himself handicapped by the hearing and speaking world, and forced to deal in a medium not suited to his needs.

On one such occasion Don Alonso committed a breach of etiquette before the king himself, jeopardizing his rights and those of his descendants as grandees of the highest order. A contemporary who years later sought the king's comprehension and forgiveness on behalf of the house of Priego explained the behavior of the deaf marquis:. But this act should not harm his House nor the successor to it, for many reasons. The first, because of his natural impediment, since he is mute by nature and because it is necessary to communicate with him by way of interpreters and signs, for which reason he cannot be as attentive to the ancient rights As soon as they advised him that his standing had been harmed, he begged for their restitution, and thus when he kissed the queen's hand in the year , he did not speak until Her Majesty had ordered him to cover his head.

Spanish grandees of the first class had the right to greet the king with their heads covered; those of the second class greeted him with heads uncovered, then covered them to hear the king's reply; and those of the third class both greeted the king and heard his reply with heads uncovered. By addressing his sovereign before being instructed to cover his head that day in Seville, the marquis of Priego had behaved like a grandee of the second class, rather than of the first, endangering his standing and that of his successors. During the nearly forty years he ruled over his marquisate, Don Alonso skillfully managed his estates, and his achievements on behalf of his noble lineage left nothing to be desired.

The marquis of Priego died at his refuge at Montilla in at the age of fifty-six and was laid to rest, according to his own instructions, in the family pantheon in the church at Montilla's Jesuit school, "in the most ordinary part and close by where people regularly walk.

For nearly two decades he continued on at Montilla, where he served as both teacher and secretary to the marquis. In the fall of he was again called to Madrid to teach a deaf child. The preface was addressed to the boy's teacher, whom Pellicer referred to as "the intelligence that moves with his teaching the lips of the most serene Emmanuele Filiberto Amadeus.

Everyone rightly agrees that, among the pomp and splendour the King Our Lord may God protect him bestowed upon the serene Princess of Carignan, among the honors and favors Her Highness received from His Majesty, one of the greatest was having arranged with such loving care that Your Grace should come from Montilla to this court as teacher of her first born, who found in such a great Monarch not only assistance, protection, and shelter, but also speech, teaching, and knowledge, placating with liberality and largess the slights of fate His Majesty commanded him in a letter of October 10, , to send Your Grace to this court, requesting you on loan for temporary employment, and offering to return you to him when the purpose for which you were summoned had been achieved.

And even though that prince, grandee of Spain many times over, needed you so much at his side, as is revealed by his replies, which were as distressed as they were submissive, and which go as far as a vassal may go with his king, he had to obey, having been informed that in all the kingdoms that form part of his extended monarchy, there could be found no other person to whom to entrust a doctrine of such importance, education of this kind.

And just as the defect that nature placed in so distinguished a personage as Emmanuele Filiberto Amadeus, denying him the use of speech, caused universal pity, so it has caused no less astonishment to see teaching correct such a great deficiency, restoring speech to him in the noble Castilian language, so that as far as possible that natural defect is remedied. And for your diligence and proficiency His Majesty awarded the title of Royal Secretary that Your Grace now enjoys, along with other favors, which are but the beginning of the reward owed to such efforts and such superior ability.

In , when he was sixteen years of age, the prince was appointed governor of the city and province of Ivrea, and the following year his teacher returned to Spain—possibly because of the fatal. In the prince explained in a letter, "because he left his son in his place I am consoled, for he is very gentle and he does it very well and he is beginning to teach me the Italian language. The Italian court initially declined to take the deaf prince of Carignan seriously.

The young man responded by refusing to stay there, for which disobedience he was sent to France and left to languish for a time without a teacher, as punishment. Nevertheless, the life Emmanuele Filiberto was eventually to lead would be considered brilliant by any standards, for in due time he would win respect and occupy positions of importance. During the s he campaigned in Lombardy, was made a colonel in the French cavalry, and was appointed deputy to the reigning Carlos Emmanuele of Savoy, and in he became governor of the city of Asti and the province of the same name.

In , when he was in his mid-fifties, he wed Princess Maria Caterina d'Este; her father, the duke of Modena, gave Emmanuele Filiberto his daughter's hand in recognition of the warm friendship between the two men, who had fought together at the siege of Pavia. When the deaf prince died in , at the age of eighty-one, the court of Louis XIV went into mourning for two weeks.

The description of his. As Emmanuelc Filiberto's contemporary related,. After trying everything, [the prince's family] turned him over to a man who promised to make him speak and understand provided that he be given so much authority over him for many years that the family would not even know what became of him. The truth is he behaved toward him like a dog trainer would or like those people who for money display trained animals that surprise you with their skill and obedience and seem to understand and explain by signs all that their master tells them.

He used hunger, bastinado [beatings on the soles of the feet with a stick], deprivation of light, and reward commensurate with performance. Could this be the real reason why Bonet wrote that for teaching speech, it was essential that the teacher be alone with the student? Did such treatment eventually create in the pupils a psychological dependence on their tutor-tormentor, producing in them a kind of Stockholm syndrome, and explaining at least in part their extreme reluctance to allow him to depart?

Such was [the tutor's] success that the boy came to grasp everything from the movements of the lips and a few gestures, to understand everything, to read, write, and even speak, although with considerable difficulty. The boy applied himself with so much determination, intelligence, and insight, profiting from all the cruel lessons he received, that he possessed several languages, some sciences, and history perfectly. He became a good politician, even to the point of being consulted on affairs of state, and was a public figure in Turin more for his ability than his birth.

There he had his little court and conducted himself with dignity all his long life, which should be considered a wonder. Here was yet another educated deaf man who lived his life outside the convent, and who was renowned for his talent and his abilities. From this point on, however, history would confuse the two, and each man contributed his share to this confusion.

Bonet, for his part, had insinuated that he was both Luis's teacher and the creator of the method described in his Arte, claiming it was he who had found the "secret path. At his death Ponce had been eulogized as "renowned in all the world. One writer attributed Luis de Velasco's teaching to a foreigner, [85] while others, assuming that the author of the book on the subject must have also practiced the. In a way of discovery of the Immortality of Reasonable Soules. Dibgy was in Madrid in with the retinue of Charles, the prince of Wales, who had journeyed to Spain to woo Philip IV's daughter, with an eye to uniting England and Spain through marriage.

Although Prince Charles's efforts at winning the infanta were ultimately unsuccessful, the visit was not without its diversions, for while at the Spanish court the royal suitor and Sir Kenelm made the acquaintance of Luis de Velasco. Luis, then a lad of thirteen,. In his Two Treatises the author described "a Noble man of great quality that I knew in Spaine, the younger brother of the Constable of Castile.

The lovelinesse of his face, and especially the exceeding life and spiritfulnesse of his eyes, and the comelinesse of his person and whole composure of his body throughout, were pregnant signes of a well tempered mind within. And therefore all that knew him, lamented much the want of meanes to cultivate it, and to imbrue it with the notions which it seemed to be capable of in regard of its selfe; had it not been so crossed by this unhappy accident.

Digby explained that although physicians and surgeons had long sought to cure Luis's deafness, all efforts had been in vain, until "at the last, there was a Priest who undertooke the teaching him to understand others when they spoke, and to speake himselfe that others might understand him. What at the first he was laught at for, made him after some yeeres be looked upon as if he had wrought a miracle. In a word; after strange patience, constancy and paines, he brought the young Lord to speake as distinctly as any man whosoever; and to understand so perfectly what others said that he would not lose a word in a whole daies conversation.

According to Sir Kenelm, the young nobleman's lipreading abilities were nothing short of remarkable: Which the Prince tryed often; not onely in English, but by making some Welchmen that served his Highnesse, speake words of their language. Which he so perfectly ecchoed, that I confesse I wondered more at that, then at all the rest. And I have seene him at the distance of a large chambers breadth, say words after one, that I standing close by the speaker could not heare a syllable of.

But if he were in the darke, or if one turned his face out of his sight, he was capable of nothing one said. Luis's teacher declined to take credit for his pupil's startling ability to lip-read and repeat words because, according to Digby, he acknowledged that "the rules of his art reached not to produce that effect with any certainty. And therefore concluded, this in him must spring from other rules he had framed unto himselfe, out of his own attentive observation: He was also mistaken when he.

The Two Treatises, which was republished in London in and in Frankfurt six years later, attracted considerable attention. In , the same year in which Bonet published his Arte, a Doctor Rodrigo Moyano, professor of philosophy and theology at various Spanish universities and author of a manuscript entitled "Arte de hacer hablar los mudos" Art to make mutes speak , approached the Spanish parliament requesting that he be given a group of deaf students with whom to demonstrate his method.

Moyano claimed that "with his study and work he has achieved the marvelous art of making deaf-mutes speak, teaching them not only to pronounce vocally with intelligible expression any words and to read any writings which is the first part of it , but also to speak with correctness and elegance[,] reason and good order, understanding what they say and what is said to them in whatever language they are taught; and also to perceive which is what should be greatly esteemed what others speak only from seeing them move the lips and tongue which are the other two parts of this art, for which until now there has been no news of anyone having achieved and formulated a method.

After this point, however, history provides no more information about either Dr. Movano or the manuscript he seems to have had prepared for publication. But to judge from what remains of the historical record, by the early eighteenth century deaf education in Spain had virtually ceased to exist, and the work undertaken in the mids came to be neglected and all but abandoned. The seventeenth century had seen lay tutors appropriate procedures designed for hearing children to teach their deaf charges, thus establishing the methodological foundation of oralism.

Pérez de Montalbán, Alonso active 1602-1641

Juan Pablo Bonet's Arte detailed the particulars of the approach, and word of the work begun by Ponce in the s continued to spread, due in no small measure to Bonet's book. But despite the nation's achievements in deaf education, and despite the fame of its prominent deaf aristocrats, by the end of the century, Spain could point to few, if any, practitioners of the art. The first ideas uttered in modern times on the way to teach[deaf people] came from us; other nations reaped the benefit. From Paris to Amsterdam and from Amsterdam to Paris, people are cannonading each other over who is the inventor of the art, and no one remembers Fray Pedro Ponce, who was indisputably the inventor.

During the final decades of the seventeenth century and throughout the eighteenth, Spanish prominence in deaf education waned, but educators elsewhere continued to teach deaf people and to write about their instruction. Deaf education was gradually extended as schools sprang up in countries throughout Europe, but Spain was not among them; neither Church nor state concerned itself with the kingdom's deaf subjects, and the Spanish masters were eclipsed by other Europeans, newcomers to the field who were often taken as inventors.

For a time Spaniards limited their response to protesting this historic inaccuracy, but in the last years of the eighteenth century, a Spanish ex-Jesuit in exile came forth to write a major work on. Even as deaf education went into decline in the nation many held to be the cradle of the art, news of the Spanish experiment spread, piquing Europe's interest in the topic. As word of Spanish successes in deaf education spread, others were inspired to write on the subject and to try their hand at teaching.

Thus, the baton was passed to other European nations. In the English physician John Bulwer, no doubt influenced by Digby's account of Luis de Velasco's instruction, published Philocophus, or the Deafe and Dumbe Man's Friend, the first book on the subject of deafness written by an Englishman. On the Continent, too, word of events in Spain aroused interest in the teaching. In Holland Anthony Deusing published The Deaf and Dumb Man's Discourse in it was translated into English by George Sibscota nearly fifteen years later , while in Germany the Belgian Francis Van Helmont authored a work containing a "natural alphabet" reminiscent of Bonet's phonic approach in The spoken word was, for this author, the "living emanation of that spirit that God breathed into man when he created him a living soul"; not surprisingly, he made articulation the primary focus of his teaching.

Indeed, the last half of the seventeenth century and the early decades of the eighteenth witnessed a spate of "inventors. While other European countries advanced the teaching, deaf education languished in Spain. The first to protest. This is the art of making the mute from birth speak. He also included a brief description of how the monk had gone about his work: The art of teaching the mute to speak was born in Spain and I believe that in Spain there is not, nor has there been for a long time, anyone who wishes to cultivate it and avail himself of it, while foreigners have made and continue to make great use of this invention.

But there too they met with persecution, and Pereira's mother was arraigned for heresy by the Tribunal of the Inquisition of Braganza and condemned to a year's penitence at the door of the cathedral in that city. When her sentence was completed, the family returned. Eventually the Pereira family moved once again, this time to France, where they could live openly as Jews. In Jacobo Pereira opened a small school for deaf children in Bordeaux.

There he set about teaching. More than one hundred fifty years after Ponce's death and more than a century after Bonet's publication of what was most likely de Carrion's methods, Spain could now, point with pride to another Spaniard who had carried its mantle to France—albeit in flight from the Inquisition. While on a business trip in La Rochelle, a town just north of Bordcaux, Pereira met his second student, Aaron Beaumarin, a thirteen-year-old apprentice tailor. After one year of instruction, he exhibited his pupil at the Jesuit school in La Rochelle.

There he came to the attention of an affluent businessman, M. By the time he met his new tutor, young Azy already had considerable instruction under his belt. During the past two or three years he had lived and studied at a Benedictine abbey in Normandy, and before that he had spent some eight years in the abbey of Saint-Jean at Amiens, under the tutelage of a deaf monk, Etienne Defaye. Upon hearing Aaron Beaumarin speak, the senior d'Etavigny's first response was to arm the prior of the abbey at Normandy with a copy of Amman's book, in the hope that he might attempt to teach his son to speak; only after a year of unsuccessful efforts did the father entrust his boy to Pereira.

In , when Azy had completed four months of instruction, Pereira exhibited his latest student before the Academy of Letters at Caen, where he received the members' encouragement and approval. Three years later Pereira took his pupil to Paris, where he displayed him before the Academy of Science. A commission of three members, among them Buffon, the famous naturalist, was appointed to evaluate the boy and present their conclusions to the entire body.

In his Natural History Buffon would later include a eulogy to Pereira. Pereira's fame grew and his name spread throughout Europe until eventually Louis XV himself expressed a desire to meet the celebrated teacher. An audience was duly arranged, and Pereira, accompanied by Azy d'Etavigny, appeared before the king. Among those attending the command performance was the duke of Chaulnes, who promptly hired Pereira to teach his deaf godson, Saboureux de Fontenay. The tutor would refer to Saboureux as "the most splendid gift of my life" [24] —an accurate appraisal, so it seems, since it was on account of the boy that Pereira would become known as Europe's greatest "demutizer" and would be granted a royal pension for life.

Saboureux de Fontenay, like Azy d'Etavigny, had had considerable schooling before being placed in Pereira's care, for he had attended diocesan schools at Montpellier and Assis, and he had received some instruction from a M. The same commission that had examined Azy now evaluated Saboureux and thus confirmed their earlier impression of Pereira's achievements. The new tutee could pronounce all the sounds of French, he could read aloud, prompted by his teacher's manual alphabet, he could recite the Lord's Prayer, and he could comprehend many common phrases in writing—"Sit down," "get up," "embrace me," and so on.

Pereira's method, the commission stated, "could not be more ingenious," concluding that "its use is of interest to the whole world. Bolstered by these triumphs, Pereira opened a deaf school in Paris in The establishment attracted students from all over Europe, yet none would be as famous as Saboureux. For the "great demutizer" there was no Bonet to record and publish his procedures, and the little we know of them is based mainly on what biographers have been able to reconstruct, together with descriptions left by Saboureux de Fontenay.

The efforts of the next two generations of his descendants to reclaim the legacy were in vain, and the secret so jealously guarded was never to be recovered. Nevertheless, some details of Pereira's methods have remained. For instance, it is clear that finger spelling played a prominent role in his teaching.