Manual Lao Li and His Beancurd

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This paves the way for the forthcoming discussion of how vP Deletion approach to Gapping-like Ellipsis solves our problems. The first problem concerns the derivation of Gapping-like Ellipsis with sentence- internal topicalization and shared subjects; a familiar example is repeated below from section 2. Hence it should be clear why the preposed objects in 22 are not foci but topics.

The relevant example is repeated below see section 4. Thus, Gapping-like Ellipsis invariably in- volves one and perhaps only one focused remnant—this is why here I use Focus rather than Topic positions. See also Ai for discussion. Consider the following examples, which illustrate that shi may occur either in between the first and the sec- ond remnants as in 26a or in between the second and the third remnants as in 26b : 26 a. Zhiming mingtian qu Yingguo, Jiayao shi houtian qu Jianada.

Zhiming tomorrow go Britain Jiayao be the. Zhiming mingtian qu Yingguo, Jiayao houtian shi qu Jianada. A tentative answer, I suggest, is that Focus Phrase headed by a lexical item, like emphatic shi, somehow differs from Focus Phrase with a null head in such a way that the former would attract to itself elements that have been attracted to the latter for focus interpretation; 8 furthermore, to preserve the surface word order, I assume this attraction applies at LF. See 8 Though currently I do not have evidence for LF movement of focused elements from TP-internal FocP to TP- external FocP, I find the following examples in favor of their co-occurrence, assuming for any domain, Focus Phrase is unique rather than recursive see Jayaseelan , Rizzi : i Zhangsan shi qingwa lian yi-zhi-xiao-de dou mei zhua-dao, bu shi kedou.

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Zhangsan be frog even 1-CL-small-DE also not. As we have seen so far, vP Deletion approach provides straightforward and uniform ac- count for the two apparently unrelated problems left unexplained by TP Deletion approach. In the meantime, since vP Deletion approach coincides with TP Deletion approach in many most essential aspects, the latter naturally inherits most, if not all, of the advantages of the latter, which have been discussed in detail in section 4. Incidentally, note that vP De- letion approach does not necessarily distinguish itself from TP Deletion approach by the choice of landing sites for remnants; while the choice of deletion sites set up the lower boundary of possible landing sites, it says nothing about their upper boundary.

He term-middle be English even pass. Here I omit the illustrations for space. For the time being, I see no a priori reason to do so; instead, I propose that as far as Gapping-like Ellipsis is concerned, both these two approaches are needed, namely, that vP Deletion approach is an alternative to TP Deletion approach, not a substitute for the latter. This being so, the classic example in 16 might then have three possible parses, as illustrated in 30a-c see Lin ff for a similar view of Gapping sentences : 29 Zhangsan kanjian-le Shufen, Lisi kanjian-le Yaping.


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One plausible reason now I can think of to support a multi-derivable view of some cases of Gapping-like Ellipsis is that if the Topic and Focus projections in TP-domain really differ from those in CP-domain in some ways see Paul , for discussion , the variation from informant to informant in judgment of some instance of Gapping-like Ellipsis perhaps just re- flects the variation in structures one assigns to that instance.

So far I have been focusing on the syntactic structures and the derivation of Gapping- like Ellipsis. In the following chapter, I turn to the semantic and pragmatic conditions on Gap- ping-like Ellipsis, in particular, the semantic identity condition that licenses deletion. As mentioned earlier, the deletion proceeds on a certain kind of identity condition, which apparently reflects in the parallelism holding between the trigger and the target of Gapping-like Ellipsis see section 2.

Since Sag , this identity condition on various elliptical constructions has been widely accepted to be a semantic one; given the close relationship between the identity or redundancy and focus see Rooth b and the well-documented observation that elliptical constructions are associated with focus ef- fects, in the more recent literature, the identity condition in question has been implemented as some kind of focus condition see among others Gengel , Johnson , Kratzer , Merchant , Reich , Romero , Rooth a, b, , Toosarvandani Therefore, in this chapter, I mainly deal with the focus condition that licenses the deletion process of Gapping-like Ellipsis.

In section 6. Also, I propose an extension of the latter to account for the generalizations made in section 2. Finally, I see to some other semantic and the pragmatic constraints proposed in the literature on Gapping-like Ellipsis in section 6. The same connection previously has been established in a more straight- forward way by stating that only certain kinds of focused constituents can be interpreted as new information see Selkirk , Without going into more details, here I just present the notions and definitions necessary for later discussion.

First of all, like many others, Schwarzschild assumes that a focused constituent is marked with an F feature on the surface structure see Jackendoff , Kratzer , Rooth , Selkirk ; see also Selkirk Let us call the process of assigning an F feature F-marking, and the F feature assigned the F-marker. Note that Schwarzschild also adopts the standard assumption that an F-marked constituent may be embedded in a higher F-marked constituent see Selkirk for discussion.

Schwarzschild then posits the following constraint to regulate F-marking:1 1 As later we will see, the contrapositive of this statement, i. Merchant , adapted from Schwarzschild How the devices defined above work will be clear as we proceed to concrete examples in the next section. Merchant Merchant illustrates the above condition with the following example.

Nonetheless, S-Focus condition fails in cases where the licensing of Ellipsis should be distinguished from that of deaccenting; as Merchant puts, it is well known that there are certain cases where VP deaccenting is licensed but VP-Ellipsis is not.


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    5. Consider the following examples of deaccenting the focused material in capitals, and the deaccented in italics : 6 a. Abby was reading the book while BEN was reading. Merchant b. Abby called Chuck an idiot after BEN insulted him. But they cannot. Compare the following examples with 6a-b above: 7 a. Abby was reading the book while BEN was reading the book. Abby called Chuck an idiot after BEN did call him an idiot.

    Note that Abby was reading the book while Ben was has only the reading illustrated in 7a , but not the one in 7b ; the same applies to the example in 8. Let us now see how 10 handles those cases where S-Focus condition fails. Take 8b as an example, which is exactly the Ellipsis counterpart of the deaccenting example in 6b. The computation is given below: 11 a. While the focus condition built on e-GIVENness fares well in the cases where s-Focus condition does not, it nonetheless faces some difficulties.

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    One of those, Gengel notes, lies in the contrast between VP-Ellipsis and Sluicing and also Pseudogapping in cases where the antecedent mismatches with the ellipsis in voice. Merchant , attributed to S. For the purpose of this thesis, I leave this question open. One may refer to Merchant for discussion. Francis , cited from Gengel In this case, the derivation of Pseudogapping is licensed only if the last me is F-marked. Why should it be? More- over, while him necessarily bears contrastive focus, Gengel points out, it is not clear whether me in the antecedent has to do so; nothing enforces symmetric contrastive focus in such cases see Rooth a.

    It seems obscure why a theory licensing ellipsis should stipulate the GIVENness of its antecedent, especially when the latter is uttered out-of-the-blue. By now, we have seen the e-GIVENness approach to the licensing of Ellipsis, the motiva- tion for its bidirectional entailment, its force, and its weakness. In view of the last two problems mentioned above, I follow Gengel and purport that an appropriate Ellipsis licensing theory should avoid the notion of GIVENness and address the contrastive focus directly.

    As for my discussion, nothing hinges on this substitution. As can be checked, in 19 the bidirectional entailment required by e-GIVENness is not satisfied, but the sentence is still marginally acceptable.

    (PDF) The Syntax and Semantics of Gapping-like Ellipsis in Chinese | Yu Cao - leondumoulin.nl

    Thus the expedient notation, e. For i , Wei seems to be influenced by the syntactic analysis of English because-clause in 5 , but to my knowledge, what has been well established in the literature is that the order of Chinese complex sentences are consistently adjunct clause-main clause see Gasde and Paul , Lin Note that constructions like 19 are labeled Adverb-Matrix rather than Ma- trix-Adverb in section 2.

    On the other hand, for ii , leaving aside the semantic discussion concerning the appropri- ateness of this treatment per se, I just want to point out its consequence relevant to the present context: if we were to invoke operators as such to account for the marginality of Gapping-like Ellipsis in subordinate constructions involving embedded clauses that are islands, we would have to be careful enough to keep in line with the theory concerning the distribution of those operators.

    For instance, to extend the analysis of 19 to Gapping-like Ellipsis in subordinate constructions labeled Subject-Matrix, as in 83 , Wei fn. If so, we would expect Gapping-like Ellipsis in subordinate constructions labeled Matrix-Object to exhibit the same marginality as 83 —contrary to the fact 21 Zhangsan chi-le yi-wan-fan, ta ye zhidao [Lisi chi-le wu-wan-fan].

    What is more, we do have empirical evidence where 17 is inviolable see section 2. It is certainly undesirable to say focus condition on Gapping-like Ellipsis is somewhere violable and somewhere not. I thus conclude any theory licensing Ellipsis should not render themselves violable e. For the reasons stated in section 6. As before, let us move on to the theoretical backgrounds in what follows. That is, rather than concerning which constituents are foci and why, it is in essentials a theory about how constituents that has been identified as foci i.

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    Rooth a proposes a theory of focus consisting of following components: 23 Roothian theory of focus i Rules describing the phonological interpretation of the feature F. Focus is thus suc- cessfully interpreted see Rooth aff. The focus interpretation theory is in fact a generalization of some more specific interpre- tation principles for various phenomena associated with focus effects. To illustrate the theory outlined above, here let us look at an examples of symmetric contrast, which is closely related to our later discussions.


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      8. An [American]F famer met a [Canadian]F farmer. Rooth a b. Merchant R-Focus condition in its present form cannot be immediately adapted to apply to Gapping- like Ellipsis, however; it is still deficient in itself.