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This ensues through the careful interweaving of marriages between cousins, on the one hand, and distant relatives and non-kin, on the other, notably through the medium of badal , i. But God inspired Adam. In other words, the first rule of alliance, and thereby the foundational principle of kinship, was brother-sister badal.

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He claimed that his twin sister was the more beautiful, and that it was his prerogative as elder brother to take her. Thereupon, Cain refused to acquiesce and, rebelling against his father and the Lord, slew his brother.


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Yet, Adam and Eve persevered, bearing forty pairs of opposite-sex twins! At that time, a man might marry any of his sisters that he wished except for his own twin sister that was born with him, for she was not lawful to him. Still, there was no question of sibling incest becoming a norm. It was forbidden for the woman to marry her twin brother. She would be married by another one of her brothers. And the sons of Adam did not cease to do that until four generations had passed. All these combinations can proceed through simultaneous or deferred unions involving not only the actual spouses but equally their respective kin who organize and endorse the badal [ ibid.

Happily, these observations were not influenced by the reductionist prism of functionalist segmentary lineage theory, still in gestation at the time. They offer a uniquely detailed and nuanced account of marriage practice, giving equal attention to marriage among kin, marriage among non-kin, and the overlapping mode of marriage by permutation.

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Much later fieldwork in Arab contexts simply overlooked the structural articulation between matrimonial proximity and distance thus demonstrated [see Conte ]. In focusing on the isolated fact that one often finds more patrilateral parallel cousin marriages than other types of consanguineous unions, many researchers simply turned a blind eye to vast majority of marriages and created a tenacious theoretical artefact. Smith [], Wellhausen [], Granqvist [], and others, he shows that Arab genealogies, while referring nominally to an apical ancestor, actually systematize retrospectively the reciprocal positioning of lines of descent seen as derived from foundational sibling sets.

Indeed, the children of parallel first cousins are also cross cousins. If these intermarry in subsequent generations, agnatically defined proximity produces, rather, increasing genealogical distance. In contrast, the children of first cross-cousins remain first cross-cousins from generation to generation.

Where are the women? If one introduces these into the diagram, a fully different picture emerges. Hence, the magic formula that crowned this strategy was none other than classical sibling badal : the two sisters married two brothers with whom they were agnatically related. In relational perspective, incest is thus an excess of proximity in that it negates diachrony and hence the retrospectively constructed continuity of nasab. Therefore, women should not take a spouse of lower social status, i.

This foundational convergence is not rooted in any male-female dichotomy. It results, rather, from the gendered dynamics that institute all social relationships recognized as legitimate. The latter corresponds to pre-eminently gynocentric sibling intimacy and the former to androcentric solidarities of alliance, which the sibling continuum develops and expands.

These closely related kin are competing among themselves for optimal mutualisation, while trying to include multiple others through distant-kin or non-kin unions. What Stanley Kurtz does, by contrast, is to reify absolute difference, thus negating relativity and relationality []. One cannot hence underestimate the centrality of the transgenerational continuity of nasab , as it relates to siblingship and the retrospective narrative of origins through marriage, and as opposed to the agnatic descent paradigm long dominant in anthropology.

It clearly appears that any modification that might be construed as questioning the social and symbolic foundation sibling intimacy and the continuity of patronymic or renown of the house, alhurma , etc. This excludes the introduction of full adoption as a category that would imply an obliteration of the patronymic or matronymic acquired at birth, an act forbidden in the Koran, the prophetic traditions, and Islamic jurisprudence.

Present on a very large scale from Pakistan to Morocco, such phenomena present an enormous challenge to actors, analysts, and politicians. In other words, individual as well as collective adoptive or integrative processes take place every day, in various ways, and are tolerated to a greater or lesser extent as long as they do not put the foundational principles of nasab into question. The answer lies in good part in its naturalistic male bias, in the claim that it reflects emic perceptions.

This is apparent in its long-dominant conceptual skeleton that revolves around the related notions of patriarchy, patrilineality, and endogamy. Correspondingly, in representing the genealogically formulated charters of tribes, mostly promulgated by men, analysts tend to marginalize women and their structural role while preserving the notion of transgenerational continuity of gendered power structures [Abu-Lughod ].

Male anthropologists and male informants often concur in this regard. Updated versions of the model [see Krauss ] are largely a-chronical and impervious to structural time. Women emerge as daughters and as wives, rather than sisters and mothers.

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They are depicted as figures of alliance rather than of descent. Such accommodations to feminist theory could lead one to oversee that, behind the curtains of functionalism, structuralism, and post-structuralism, evolutionism neither died nor faded away. Its spectre lingers on, clad in different mantels. In certain regards, however, one might be inclined to mourn the impetus evolutionism once brought to social science [see also Roberts ].

That of W. Yet, these authors weighted both equally. If, with hindsight, one blends out the linear, sequential postulate underlying this vision, one is left with what could arguably be described as a structurally gender-balanced perspective. Seen in ideological terms, structural functionalists annulled structural diachrony and gender balance at one go, possibly in the silent hope of better depriving hostile Marxism of its politically powerful evolutionist teleology [Knight ].

The residual paradigm was synchronic, presumptively perpetual patriarchy or, in more modern parlance, male dominance. It explains neither violence against women nor their pre-eminence in certain Muslim societies i. Minangkabau, Tuareg. Its strength lies in its theoretical coherence and novelty. Rather than an empty toolbox, we have received an extensive conceptual apparatus not bound by a specific theory including evolutionism or monopolised by a single school. This is not little.

So too is it crucial, from the perspective of social science, critically but seriously to take on board the insights of the philologists, just as one should re read in contemporary perspective [see Citton ] texts and oral sources, old and new, in all relevant languages, so as to develop an interculturally intelligible political anthropology of kinship and reproduction.

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Karachi, Oxford University Press. Appadurai, Arjun — , Modernity at Large.

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Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. Minneapolis, University of Minnesota Press. Aptowitzer, Victor — , Kain und Abel in der Aggada der Apokryphen, der hellenistischen, christlichen und mohammedanischen Literatur. Wien, Leipzig. Banks, Marcus — , Ethnicity: Anthropological Constructions.

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London, Routledge. Conte and P. Dresch eds. Bargach, Jamila — , Orphans of Islam. Family, Abandonment, and Secret Adoption in Morocco. Lanham, MD. Barnard and J. Spencer eds. London and New York, Routledge: London, Academic Press. Paris, Gallimard-Essais. Basu, S.