La nature (Imagerie des tout-petits) (French Edition) and millions of other books . Les Corps (L'Imagerie Des Tout-Petits) (French Edition) by Emilie Beaumont.
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Using Retinal Imaging to Study Dementia. Click here for the english version. For other languages click here. Please recommend JoVE to your librarian. Calculer le pare-feu de connexion Internet en utilisant la formule: Housses de bateau incorrect exclure manuellement de la mesure. You must be signed in to post a comment. Please sign in or create an account.
Skip to content Medicine. Your institution must subscribe to JoVE's Medicine section to access this content. Fill out the form below to receive a free trial or learn more about access: Technological and morphological aspects are both obviously linked. Particular attention will be paid to the incised decoration: Precise analysis of the organization and shape of patterns have delivered convincing results showing regional and micro-regional preferences. Depositing processes will also be closely studied, in the light of recent discoveries for which the context is well known, such as the hoard of Saint-Lumine-de-Clisson, Loire-Atlantique Boulud-Gazo et al.
Valuable information is supplied by the rare funerary contexts, which inform us, in particular, about the way these personal ornaments were worn. These discoveries allow the nature of the cultural practice behind the production and depositing of the massive annular ornaments to be considered. This paper attempts to gather and synthesize the current state of knowledge about massive annular ornaments of the Middle Bronze Age.
An accurate classification is proposed, using different criteria that help us define three regional groups. These promising results are a first step, raising issues that I will further develop in my thesis. The typo-chronology will be refined and applied to a wider geographic area, technological concerns will be developed and hypotheses tested by archaeological experimentation. Mais c'est le point de vue de J. Armorican-type socketed axes, particularly numerous in Brittany and Normandy, have been the subject of debate on both their purpose and their date since the 18th century.
At the end of the 19th century, G. It was however J. Briard favoured a production of these axes mostly during the end of the Bronze Age, he also demonstrated that this production continued during the First Iron Age. This traditional point of view of a mostly Late Bronze Age production began to be questioned at the end of the 20th century, even by J.
Briard himself, but nevertheless it still persists among some authors. The purpose of this article is thus to produce as comprehensive a file as possible on this issue. The elements testifying to a production of these axes exclusively during the Early Iron Age are indisputable: The rare axes currently appearing in some Late Bronze Age 3 hoards can be explained by the??? In other cases, there may be a misinterpretation of the documentary sources e.
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It is a crucial established fact that no hoard from the carp??? The same applies to all the hoards discovered during the second half of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st for instance Gouesnac??? Consequently, if these axes had already been produced in their thousands by this period, it seems absurd they should never appear in hoards, either complete or as fragments. Prototypes of Armorican-type socketed axes were abundant in hoards from the Late Atlantic Bronze Age 3: On the contrary, the small axes from Maure, Saint-James and Couville, as well as those made of almost pure lead, have no prototypes in Late Bronze Age hoards.
They could represent a recent production of Armorican-type socketed axes, in other words the end of an evolutionary process leading to the least functional forms, which, due to our ignorance of their real purpose, we might consider the most aberrant of all. Undoubtedly, the production of Armorican-type socketed axes had not yet begun during the Late Bronze Age.
Nevertheless, the question of their actual beginning remains uncertain: The increasing number of hoards of Armorican-type socketed axes is above all one manifestation of a global phenomenon occurring in Gaul during the middle and late phases of the Early Iron Age HaD: Only a part of these pieces has been studied with attempts at chronological and typological reconstitutions being submitted.
Since , new excavations in Grotte Rochefort and a new study of the earlier collections allow us today to redefine the Solutrean era in the Erve valley, in particular thanks to the multidisciplinarity of the interventions and the contribution of coherent 14C dates. The excavations of the Solutrean layer in Grotte Rochefort enabled us to unearth a lithic assemblage of approximately 2, artefacts. These materials were found in the narrowest and lowest part of the cavity. This observation, associated with the barely coherent spatial distribution, raises the issue of the nature of the occupation of this area of the cave, which we tend to call a rejection zone.
The corpus is mainly made up of broken pieces and, except for a few beautiful complete blades, the collection is above all characterized by a high rate of fragmentation. Seventy-one leaf-shaped pieces belonging to this lithic assemblage from Grotte Rochefort are studied here. The presence of numerous spalls corresponding to the production of bifacial pieces is an important characteristic of this corpus, showing that knapping activities did take place inside the cavity itself.
Above and beyond being part of a common good-quality toolkit, the laurel-leaves and willow-leaves - both 'type fossils' - are an illustration of the gestures and technical choices of the Solutrean knappers, but also raise the question of the purpose of these objects. All of them were small leaf-shaped pieces. Does this mean that they were the result of a cultural choice or of an economical constraint, such as a shortage of raw material forcing the knappers to proceed with the systematic resharpening of their tools?
The items collected from the recent excavations, along with their reliable chrono-stratigraphic context and the gathering of the whole lithic assemblage including flakes and micro-debris through sifting enable us today to better analyse the operating processes used by the Solutrean knappers to produce their tools. We thus tried to identify which products were favoured by knappers for the making of laurel-leaves. Though some bigger shaping flakes may have been chosen, the main supports are wide blades.
This leads us to suspect that these supports were predetermined because their width is obtained after setting in place several arrises in order to flatten the core's curve before extracting the blade. The butts of the striking platforms of these supports are wide ribs which were strongly abraded. So far we do not have any complete support, but the discovery of portions of irregular or uneven wide blades indicates that only the parts corresponding to the standards of the desired points or leaves were transformed.
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This being stated, the validity of the corpuses and results presented could be contested. Other than the choice of their materials, the technological criteria put forward to try to explain these observations point to that of the supports selected by the knappers to create their leaf-shaped pieces: Also, although preforms and complete pieces are more numerous on this latter site, we do not find there - as is the case in Grotte Rochefort - any final products, nor any sharpening pieces or laurel-leaf reworkings.
Finally, and possibly isolated from any functional purpose, the former site's pieces are characterized by a noticeable proportion of asymmetrical leaves, which is a criteria that is not to be found in Grotte Rochefort. This article is a first attempt at tackling the subject of leaf-shaped pieces from the site, based on the results of techno-typological analyses, and studied according to functional questions, finally raising the issue of the status of the said occupations. It was discovered in within the framework of a long-term open-air survey project, although it is not located in one of the hundreds of ploughed fields that have now been surveyed.
These fields have yielded thousands of Palaeolithic artefacts, attesting to a much greater presence of prehistoric peoples in this region than the previous cave excavations might have indicated. Peyre Blanque is instead located on the crest of a sandy limestone ridge where the archaeological deposits have been well-preserved within the structural geological setting. Beginning with an evaluative season in , seven field seasons of excavation have been undertaken leading to an exposure to date of over 80 square metres, with an extent of archaeological deposits along the ridge that is likely to be around square metres.
Stratigraphically, the archaeological materials lie in the upper soil horizons of a deeply-weathered carbonate-cemented sandstone. The archaeological level lies about cm below the current surface, though taphonomic processes have led to the presence of some archaeological materials throughout the A horizon. Bioturbation, largely through worms and other burrowing organisms, led to artefacts left on the surface in prehistory becoming buried today.
Organic preservation is almost non-existent, at least so far, but more than 11, chert artefacts have been recovered. However, the assemblage also comprises a variety of raw materials, including some that originate from about 10 km away, as well as from sources that are up to km to the west and from Dordogne sources km to the north. The details of the assemblage, which is notably original in its composition, are a primary focus of this article.
Typo-technologically, this assemblage cannot be understood within the framework of the regional Magdalenian as known to date. Rather, the presence of scalene triangles and carinated scrapers in particular evoke resemblances to dated assemblages from both the Languedoc and also the Cantabrian regions, and shows the closest affinity to what might best be described as an early Middle Magdalenian. Due to bioturbation, the dates returned vary by thousands of years. Radiocarbon dating has not been successful, though it could be attempted in the future if suitable material is recovered from a reliable context.
Besides being a unique open-air site in the region, especially for its preservation and that it is being excavated with contemporary methods and techniques, Peyre Blanque is yielding at least two other remarkable materials. First, nearly different pieces of varied pigments, ranging from oranges, reds, blacks, and even a purple, have been recovered, and are being analysed for compositional characteristics.
These are primarily various forms of manganese and haematite, some of which bear use traces. In addition, some pigment-processing stones in quartzite were imported to the site and used there. The pigment analyses are part of a comparative study of Peyre Blanque pigments with those on the cave wall of the nearby 12 km distant site of Marsoulas, with which other affinities are of note.
Secondly, the past few excavation seasons have revealed a construction of stones which, although it is not yet fully excavated, so far extends at least nine metres east???
This appears to be comprised of more than one construction event and feature, and is made from a variety of sandstone and limestone blocks, but it adds a very different form to our more global understanding of Magdalenian 'built environments'since it is not a pavement, has no readily-identifiable hearth structures, nor does it appear to have circular 'hut' structures. More than artefacts have been recovered to date from this structure area; as an assemblage they are consistent with the types of lithics recovered from elsewhere across the site.
Pyrenees, Upper Paleolithic, Magdalenian, open-air site, lithic industries, stone feature. Until fairly recently, study of the Neolithic in Brittany was principally dedicated to the megalithic monuments due to the numerous sites there. Gradually, research was oriented towards settlement remains, notably through the development of rescue archaeology in the s. A few years later, in , a second site was excavated at Betton, near Rennes, and recently, in , a third one in Lannion not far from the north-western coast. These main settlements are complemented by numerous deposits of archaeological artefacts located by field surveys.
However, for the whole region, less than ten sites dating from the beginning of the Neolithic have been discovered and the remains of Quimper Kervouyec, despite their partial preservation, demonstrate that neolithisation had reached the most western point of the Breton peninsula by the early fifth millennium. Prior to work on a road to bypass the town of Quimper south-western Brittany , a small group of archaeological remains comprising two pits and a few postholes was discovered and excavated in A few hundred metres further east, a third pit was discovered in before the development of an urban area.
In this hilly landscape, some natural flat platforms were chosen by the first farmers. The soil is composed of fine clay useful for different functions covering wooden walls, making pottery. The geological substratum is very complex here and associates various granites and metamorphic rocks used by the Neolithic people. Due to their morphology shallow depth, irregular contours, silty texture of the substratum and their contents, the three pits discovered can be interpreted as having been dug for clay extraction and then progressively filled up with domestic waste material.
Their contours are irregular and the asymmetrical section shows the direction of the extraction of the clay; their depth is shallow and extraction stopped when the granite bedrock was reached. These excavations are similar to the lateral pits of houses in Early Neolithic hamlets. The preservation of a few postholes nearby and the type of waste found confirm the domestic nature of these structures. The archaeological material, quite abundant despite the small volume of remains preserved, is characteristic of the Early Neolithic and the Villeneuve-Saint-Germain culture.
Four radiocarbon analyses, two of which were made on calcinated ceramic material, confirm the dating of the site to the first quarter of the fifth millennium. Pottery represents the principal component with around thirty pots identified from over five hundred potsherds. Petrographic analysis of the components reveals a local manufacture for most of the pottery.
However, some rare pieces imported from beyond the Armorican massif are distinguished by the use of exogenous clay and the introduction of the 'chamotte' technique. The morphological and decorative characteristics indicate a middle phase or the beginning of a recent phase of the Villeneuve-Saint-Germain culture.
Spherical shapes and impressed decors are predominant, the applied cord typical of the recent phase almost absent. The lithic industry is mostly manufactured on flint of various origins with however a small preference for local and coastal resources. Long-distance importations came from central and western France.
In spite of the small number of pieces, the lithic series indicates the maintaining of blade production on imported flint by means of a complex technical system. The presence and the nature of broken schist bracelets, typical artefacts of this culture, and the macro-tools mostly made on granite, reveal the Neolithic population???
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The functional diversity of the macro-tools found on the site reveals that both domestic and craft activities were carried out, a characteristic of Neolithic settlements. The anthracological study of the charcoal highlights a progressive exploitation of the local forest, on the hill slopes and the bottom of surrounding valleys. Wood selection with oak dominant is typical of Early Neolithic sites. These settlement remains represent at present the most western traces of neolithisation in the Armorican Peninsula at the beginning of the fifth millennium, in addition to the few regional excavated sites.
Detailed analysis of the archaeological artefacts??? West Brittany, Early Neolithic, VSG Culture, dwelling, ceramics, lithic, stone bracelets, macro-tools, anthracology, petrography, radiocarbon dates. Ces sites ne sont pas re-distributeurs. The discovery of the flint mine at Espins "Foupendant"allows us to examine, through the exploitation of Cinglais flint, the socio-economic behaviour characteristic of the Neolithic in the west of France. Its use is documented by a corpus of 45 excavated sites and 63 surface sites. The discovery at Espins allows the precise geographical and geological origin of Cinglais flint, and the early stages of its processing, to be determined for the first time.
Espins is located in the south of the Caen plain, in the Cinglais territory, between the Jurassic Normandy plains and the Armorican Massif. It is one of the last sources of good quality flint at the western margin of the Paris Basin, before the extensive Armorican territories which lack good flint. This material was used exclusively for the production of blades obtained by indirect percussion, supports distributed to most Western settlements. It provides comparison and reinforces the systematic nature of this exploitation.
The Cinglais territory is characterized by flint clays under a silt layer, containing flint nodules. The 33 extraction pits discovered during surveys bear witness to their exploitation. They are characteristic of a production site. This abundance of technical flakes is in strong contrast to the deficit of desired products blades , which were systematically collected.
Their surface distribution defines the outline of a large mining complex about 30 hectares. The blades produced are short between 7 and 12 cm long and were not processed or used locally. The few tools discovered inside the pits are made of flint: No evidence of domestic occupation ceramics, stone bracelets, household equipment was observed in the mines or nearby. The chronocultural attribution for the Espins site is based on this similarity and on two radiocarbon dates that target a range between and BC.
This mining site is thus integrated into the technical system of the Danubian Neolithic tradition, documented in a large part of north-western Europe. On dwelling sites, in the regional dissemination area less than 25 km , Cinglais flint is the main material used for tools, transported in the form of prepared cores or raw blades. Tools corresponding to typological standards are mainly made on Cinglais flint blades. Alongside them, some expedient flake tools were always made on local flint, regardless of its quality.
Technological flakes show that blades could sometimes be made in the settlements, but in no case is it possible to prove any excess production. Cores are very rare, unlike on the workshop or mine sites. In the extra-regional dissemination area over 25 km, mainly in Brittany , Cinglais flint is an important part of the assemblage, despite supply distances that may exceed km. In all cases, the Cinglais flint is characterized by exclusively laminar management, while local resources are used in the form of flakes. Cinglais flint is transported in the form of blades raw or processed or prepared cores.
Laminar technological flakes are rare. The composition of the Cinglais flint assemblages between Brittany and the Caen plain is not as different as it might be. For all these sites, flint is delivered in the form of prepared cores or raw blades, which are transformed and then reprocessed on site.
These settlements are not re-distributors. In addition, the homogeneity of the laminar industries between the Jurassic plains and Brittany is remarkable: This shows that the supply distance did not fundamentally alter the behaviour of the Neolithic populations regarding the raw material: Sites in Brittany show the preference of these populations for Cinglais flint by the important quantities found, despite the geographical distance.
This presumes a strong social demand that stimulated the extraction of raw material at the flint source: Similarly, this social demand explains the permanence of this system in the long term, as suggested by the early Cerny examples. All these constraints involved high-level skills. It is thus possible to talk about a real specialized production. We may then presume the blade production was controlled by an elite of some type, who could also control transmission of these skills and the lithic resources themselves, or the extraction process.
Such control could have had a strong impact on the dissemination modes of Cinglais flint. We can assume a regular traffic from east to west of persons and goods, which would encounter Western stimulants ceramics, Armorican stones.
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Finally, the hypothesis of itinerant flint knappers can be preferred, particularly because of the presence of technical laminar flakes on sites in Brittany and differences perceived in expertise, away from the flint sources, between industries on Cinglais flint and local productions. Thus, itinerant flint knappers would keep their skills for themselves, which would explain the homogeneity of these industries throughout their distribution range and throughout the duration of the Early Neolithic. The recent intensification of construction work and resulting preventive archaeological excavations on the Troyes Plain Aube, France have produced a remarkable increase in the amount of data available, considerably modifying our vision of early human occupation there.
For some previously poorly known archaeological periods the density of sites with abundant finds raises a number of questions that surpass the individual interest of each site. This major renewal of the available evidence particularly concerns the late Bronze Age and the Early Iron Age. Most data relate to settlements and their development, thus providing an important body of evidence for gaining a broader understanding, albeit indirect, of the whole pattern of settlement. Analysis of the settlement system, coupled with the main data on the agricultural economy, was undertaken on two scales: This dialogue enables the regularities and irregularities in the overall settlement system to be detected and discussed, and local scenarios of change to be proposed.
The dataset from the Parc Logistique de l'Aube is sound and representative. Study of the settlement system was based on These include 84 spatially and chronologically distinct occupation sites, defined on the basis of reliably dated archaeological features. Three generic indicators of their main dimensions surface area, number of features, storage feature volume were recorded for these occupations and are presented in histogram form with a chronological resolution of 50 years. Certain categories of data such as those relating to the plant and animal economy, for which each phase produced a significant number of samples, can be considered representative not only at the terroir level but also on the scale of southern Champagne.
As regards the settlement system, the short-lived episode of a clustering of population hamlet or village at the end of the Bronze Age contrasts with the standard pattern of scattered protohistoric dwellings. The analysis shows six major phases in the development of the system and these are also visible throughout the Troyes basin: On the smaller scale, several poles of high density stand out; they could indicate the emergence of a territorial structure that subsequently disappeared, during the later Iron Age.
In addition, the agropastoral economy and its development provide evidence for the economic life and the capacities for reproduction of past societies.
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The dynamic nature of agriculture is attested by a large quantity of evidence, including a wide range of plants. The system is based on 15 cultivated species dominated by the production of cereals, with relatively few changes over time. While the range of crops and the economic importance of each plant show little variation, a change can be seen in the wild plants associated with the remains of the domestic species.
This is an indication of changes in agricultural practices. The faunal evidence follows a rather different pattern, as data are abundant for the end of the Bronze Age and this is followed by a period between???? For the end of the Bronze Age, there are no special trends in consumption, herds are made up of the usual domestic triad and there are very few wild animal bones. The final discussion addresses a number of open questions. What is the nature and value of the economic cycle identified through these quantitative variables?
Can one go beyond the hypothesis of the fundamentally scattered nature of the protohistoric settlement system, as one observes a slow but irrepressible trend towards more long-term occupation through a reduction in mobility between generations? On a similar note, the presence of short-lived villages at the end of the Bronze Age provides additional evidence for considering the issue of possible social resistance to the constraints of urbanisation in continental Europe. Lastly, all these data also fuel the debate on the degree of resilience of protohistoric farming societies to the climate changes recorded for the end of the Bronze Age and the Early Iron Age.
After a century of work and investigations about the description and features of these artefacts, they have now become a major indication to support and strengthen the consensus of a pan-European Gravettian civilization. Indeed, since their very first identification, these tools have allegedly been recognized through almost all the Old World. They have been identified from the Great Russian plain Kostienki, Avdeevo, etc.
In addition, they have also been very frequently mentioned on Gravettian sites in Central Europe e. Logically, these elements of comparison were added to the list of artefacts such as the anthropomorphic female figurines or practices burials that support a homogenous vision although with nuances of the Gravettian as a pan-European??? Such a vision is quite attractive but we think that Kostienki knives, as understood by most specialists, may not be as good analogical elements as some may have first thought.
Thanks to an encounter between Eastern and Western European Gravettian specialists the authors of this article we have been able to distinguish major differences in our definition criteria of what we all called??? Kostienki technique retouched blades???. In this article, we are first going to sum up a long century of the controversial history of the definition and recognition of these artefacts. Afterwards, we will explain the origin of the major misunderstanding that has led many prehistorian specialists including one of us to propose erroneous identifications of this type of artefact in Western Europe starting with the site of Corbiac in Dordogne.
In order to review the situation and point out the mistakes remaining in scientific literature we propose to: The huge variation seen in their morphology can be interpreted as the reflection of the different stages of implementation of a quite standardized cutting edge resharpening process. On the contrary, in Western Europe on the sites of Le Blot and Mainz-Linsenberg , the so-called "Kostienki knives" or "Kostienki technique retouched blades" correspond to a marginal moment of the bladelet flaking process on prismatic burin cores.
Kozlowski in the s proves that the artefacts do not correspond to the "Kostienki knives" described in Russia. Finally the examination of different published artefacts or collections allows us to think that many identifications of so-called "Kostienki knives" in Central and Western Europe are questionable. Indeed it seems that a large part of these identifications have been based on a poor understanding of the Russian published literature and on a series of secondary misguided identifications outside Russia.
After all, many published and drawn specimens reveal that "Kostienki knives" have often been confused with simple inverse truncations, broken artefacts, atypical burins or even splintered pieces. We want to stress that mere morphological convergences between tools should not be used to support the hypothesis of some sort of "connection" between groups distant by more than a thousand kilometres.
Speaking of convergences, we also provide a rapid review of diverse chronological and geographical contexts where some artefacts more or less similar to "Kostienki knives" have been described sometimes with similar names. However, on several western Gravettian sites, we have seen they were only simple morphological convergences, usually quite rare and with a different functional purpose. So far, we think that no convincing example of a true series of "Kostienki knives" has been properly published in Western Europe.
Unfortunately in some cases e. Paglicci Cave , the question is still unresolved, mostly because the alleged presence of such artefacts is only briefly mentioned. Such cases will surely need to be reassessed carefully in the near future. Finally, our results close a 40 year-old misunderstanding about these tools and their alleged existence on the few Gravettian sites where they have supposedly been recognised in Western Europe.
The re-examination of some collections in Central Europe has also proved that many old identifications in the area should be considered carefully and reassessed. True and reliable analogies may well exist between the Eastern and Western Gravettian, but the so-called "Kostienki knives" of Western Europe are not among them.
Discovered in by P. Malvesin-Fabre, Roc de Marcamps Prignac-et-Marcamps, Gironde is known as a Middle Magdalenian site due, in particular, to the discovery of numerous antler shuttles in the old excavation of sector 1. The more recent work carried out in the s by Michel Lenoir in sector 2, located a few meters below sector 1, did not yield this diagnostic osseous artefact-type specifically, but a set of other remains equally attributed to the same period.
Six radiocarbon dates of which four are new and until now unpublished place the occupation of this site in the cal. This transition period seems to be synchronous with the Heinrich 1 climatic event, a period marked by climatic deterioration in which cold, steppe-like conditions existed. This period is characterized by major techno-economic and symbolic changes.
Located at the crossroads of three??? In the context of a site reassessment by members of the Magdatis project, this paper aims to examine multiple records, in particular taphonomic and archaeozoological analyses of faunal remains ungulates, small mammals and birds , as well as techno-typological studies of lithic, osseous and ornament industries.
The stratigraphy of Roc de Marcamps 2 includes an upper unit in which recent deposits, backdirt from former quarrying activities, ceramics, as well as Palaeolithic material are found, all mixed together as a result of the actions of burrowing animals. The lower unit seems to be better preserved and includes Magdalenian remains dispersed over a number of layers 2a, 2b, 2c and 3 identified during excavation in approximately 1 metre of deposits.
Our work in digitizing the field notebooks as well as in creating projections of the artefacts in three dimensions did not reveal the reality of these subdivisions, however. The faunal remains of RM2 are abundant and well preserved; they demonstrate that hunting was primarily aimed at bison, saiga antelope, horse and reindeer during the cold season and the beginning of the warm season. Carcass processing of these ungulates was intensive and oriented towards marrow extraction in addition to meat recovery, as demonstrated by numerous impact scars and cutmarks on the bones.
By contrast, small mammals and birds were barely used by Magdalenian people on this site. Lithic raw material was primarily obtained close to the site, within a 10 km radius grey-black or blonde varieties of Senonian flint, Maastricht flint and Tertiary flint. Other varieties of flint attest to the use of more distant sources, such as??? A small number of artefacts demonstrate links with even more distant places such as Chalosse Upper Maastricht flint with Lepidorbitoides sp. Lithics are composed primarily of bladelet knapping intended as part of hunting tools, mainly simple backed bladelets, retouched bladelets and truncated bladelets.
Blade knapping provided standardized blanks for the production of other tools, primarily burins and simple endscrapers, as well as some composite tools burin-endscrapers. The osseous industry is relatively poor. It includes bone tools comprised of needles, for which splinters were extracted using a groove and splinter technique. There are also smoothers obtained by bilateral longitudinal grooving; and retouchers whose shape and dimensions are quite standardized and whose impact scars are only minimally noticeable. The groove and splinter technique was also used to extract splinters from the main beam of large reindeer antlers.
Most antler objects are projectile points, among which the only identified base is a single-bevelled type. Finally, ornaments are also present on this site. Shells, mainly Dentalium sp. A good number of segments are clearly finished products, as seen by finishing traces on them smoothing of edges by abrasion and by usewear marks partially blunt edges. The presence of complete unworked shells as well as segments probably come from manufacturing waste and suggest in situ production. Pierced teeth ornaments are less common; these are comprised of cut reindeer and hare incisors, one pierced fox canine as well as one horse incisor decorated with a grid pattern.
The techno-typological analysis of the lithic and osseous industries as well as of the personal ornaments point to affinities with both the "shuttle" facies truncated-backed bladelets, shell and teeth personal ornaments and the "Lussac-Angles" facies truncated backed bladelets, smoothers, and decorated bone incisor , two Magdalenian facies with which Roc de Marcamps 2 is contemporaneous.
This fact should cause us to reconsider the relevance of these facies in defining exclusive cultures which, in the end, overlap each other chronologically and geographically, notably in Gironde. While common and even iconic in the field of Prehistory, excavations in caves or rock-shelters are very rare in the Armorican Massif for the final Palaeolithic and Mesolithic.
Why are these sites largely ignored by research in this part of France, when they form the basis of archaeological work in other parts of Europe? Are rock-shelters missing in Brittany? Of course not' Rock-shelters are actually numerous in Brittany.
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These sites differ however from the large caves of southern France. They have been neglected because of their small size and the shallow depth of their sedimentary deposits, and also because they do not correspond to the romantic idea people have of caves and rock-shelters??? This particular situation is essentially due to the geological context of Brittany, where the crystalline massif contains no limestone.
Rock shelters are thus found in various specific contexts: A new collective research programme, focused on the Late glacial and the Mesolithic, is now aiming to integrate these little known sites with a view to gaining a better understanding of the development the prehistoric palaeo-economic system. While much information has been obtained about Late glacial and Mesolithic societies in this part of Europe over the last twenty years, it essentially comes from large open-air sites that do not reflect the broad spectrum of site types making up the prehistoric palaeo-economic system.
Whatever the dominant mobility system of a hunter-gatherer group, small sites are numerous and are essential to understanding the complexity of the system. These small sites are generally invisible in survey or are not examined by preventive archaeology. Investigating rock-shelters appears to be an excellent and easy way to study small sites since they have very small surface areas and are particularly easy to spot in the landscape.
Since the socio-economic systems vary throughout Prehistory, our diachronic approach, which considers different environments and climates, enables us to study the development of cultural systems through time and examine how rock-shelter use changed over this long period. These sites offer a new insight into ways of living in small spaces. The first site is a fallen block shelter, very common in the granitic massif of Brittany. The site was first excavated in and Two main Mesolithic occupations have been identified, as well as a later occupation dated to the Iron Age around BC.
The spatial analysis of the site, together with the study of the lithic assemblage, suggest that Pont-Glas is a logistic site where hunters or warriors sheltered over a short period. Kerbizien is another rock-shelter in a granitic context. The excavation carried out in July identified Tardiglacial Azilian levels at the back of the cave in a two metres wide band along the wall. The Early Azilian lithic industry is made up of curved back points, very utilized large blades and burin spalls. Its functional signature is original and seems quite compatible with the hypothesis of a logistic station i.
Their knowledge of the local geological resources is a significant aspect to be kept in mind, showing that hunts were regularly made in this area. This rock-shelter, at the foot of a high sandstone cliff overlooking the Brest roadstead, was mainly occupied during the Early Azilian. The evidence suggests this site was used by small groups of people for short periods.