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War Against War: The American Fight for Peace, and millions of other books are available for instant access. War Against War: The American Fight for Peace, Hardcover – January 3, The untold story of the movement that came close to keeping the United States.
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- War Against War: The American Fight for Peace, (Hardcover) | Politics and Prose Bookstore
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- Jerry Brotton
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Leave a Reply Click here to cancel reply. Quaker stories, inspiration, and news emailed every Monday. Besides contributing to a wide range of magazines and newspapers, he took part in several well-publicized debates about the merits of socialism with adversaries whose renown was greater than his. Hillquit articulated his opinions with earnest deliberation and light sarcasm—an attorney making the case for social transformation before a jury of thousands. Just days after hostilities began in Europe, the majority of Socialist deputies in every belligerent nation save Italy had rallied behind their governments, voting to finance the war and urging every citizen to rally to their respective flags.
Hillquit argued, along with his fellow comrades, that the war was precipitated by an arms race between imperialist powers. Still, he had to acknowledge that untold numbers of Europeans who had voted Red were now huddled in opposing trenches, waiting anxiously for the order to destroy one another. The resolutions made at Stuttgart in meant nothing as long as most Socialists believed they were fighting to defend their respective nations.
A Harvard graduate and direct descendant of one of the first leaders of the Massachusetts Bay colony, Gardner devoted most of his political career to preparing his country for war—and enlisted to fight in two of them himself. He won a Distinguished Service Medal as a captain in the Spanish-American War and, in , would resign a safe House seat to reenter the army. Gardner called for doubling the size of the army to more than two hundred thousand men. Every Democratic leader—from Woodrow Wilson on down—urged him to abandon the effort, which was clearly intended to embarrass the administration.
The debate was sponsored by the Rand School, an unofficial arm of the Socialist Party.
So, at the outset, the pugnacious Gardner threw the crowd some raw ideological bait. There is no good reason why Americans would want or need to engage in a war against an overseas power.
Instead of lavishing more tax money on the apparatus of death, the state, insisted Hillquit, ought to devote a large share of its budget to building sanatoriums for TB victims, funding pensions for retired wage earners, and constructing factories for jobless toilers. The sponsors of the event left Gardner no time for a rebuttal. Hillquit had adroitly introduced the two-step argument most anti-war activists would continue to articulate for the next two stressful years.
The nation should not prepare to fight a war it had no need or ethical reason to wage.
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And the cost—in dollars and national priorities—would turn the United States into a militarized society. Yet, as William James might have counseled, to demand that the state spend a good deal more on welfare was not a convincing moral equivalent to war. Would-be peacemakers still lacked a powerful alternative to offer Americans willing to test their stout arms and hearts in future battles.
The sheet-music version quickly sold a remarkable seven hundred thousand copies. Let nations arbitrate their future conflicts. Leading activists like Fanny Villard and Jane Addams never confined themselves to maternalist rhetoric; like Morris Hillquit, they hated war because it jerked society away from the path of egalitarian change.
But they did believe their motherly instincts made women, by nature, the more harmonious and humanitarian sex. The previous fall, Rosika Schwimmer and Emmeline Pethick-Lawrence—feminists from opposing belligerent powers—had embarked on a joint speaking tour to show Americans that European women yearned to stop the war and hoped to convince their sisters in the largest neutral nation to join them. For nearly two decades, Schwimmer, a thirty-seven-year-old Hungarian Jew, had spearheaded the suffrage movement in her country. A talented journalist, passionate speaker, and exponent of female dress reform, she had managed, in September, to arrange a brief visit with Woodrow Wilson in the White House.
By her account, the president politely agreed to consider her notion of meeting with the heads of other neutral countries; he left no comment for posterity about his encounter with a woman who wore neither a brassiere nor a corset under her brightly colored dress. Pethick-Lawrence, a wealthy British citizen of forty-seven, was both a Socialist and a militant advocate of votes for women.
She and her husband, Frederick, had merged their surnames when they married and retained separate bank accounts, an act that endeared them to feminists everywhere. After several meetings with a local group headed by Jane Addams, they sent out a call for a national peace convention of American women. She never lost her temper. At first, she frowned on the idea of an organization that excluded men; she had always viewed her audience as bridging divides of gender as well as class, ethnicity, and nation.
Despite the name they adopted, the delegates neither planned to run nor endorse candidates for office. Like Annis, Spencer was married to a minister less energetic than herself, and she lectured frequently about suffrage and the social gospel. On this January afternoon, she took the podium to insist that a peaceful world depended upon the guidance of women. We will no longer consent to its reckless destruction.
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But they were demanding a radical shift away from the world run by men, a change they hoped would abolish war and the preparations for war forever. They boldly aimed to transform the culture of belligerence as well as to suggest new ways to undergird a new global order. Woodrow Wilson would later make the last two institutions, under different names, the centerpieces of his vision of a postwar world.
By the time of the mass meeting at the New Willard, the new party had a detailed proposal in hand, written by a twenty-three-year-old Canadian-born Shakespeare instructor at the University of Wisconsin named Julia Grace Wales. The thirty-five existing neutral nations, or some portion of them, would send expert delegates to an international commission. As long as the war continued, that body would formulate ideas for a peace settlement and share them with the warring powers. After gathering responses, the commission would adjust its proposals and send them out again.
Wales refrained from stipulating the terms of a just and lasting peace; the machinery of mediation would have to work that out. But the method itself, she argued, could be profoundly beneficial: The minimum gain would be the lifting of the programme of pacifism into the realm of serious political consideration. It would focus the thought of the world at least momentarily on international righteousness.
It would give a concrete expression to the inarticulate passion of all idealists both in the peaceful and the troubled lands. But with the optimism of like-minded peace activists whose numbers seemed to be growing, she claimed it was a practical way out of a stalemate that, every day, was killing and maiming thousands of men. The Wisconsin legislature officially backed her plan and urged Congress to follow its lead. Louis, Washington, D. The national office printed and distributed tens of thousands of pieces of literature to grass-roots groups and foreign embassies.
That spring it sponsored—and the Carnegie Endowment financed—a lavish production of The Trojan Women, the classic anti-war play by Euripides, which toured big cities around the nation. In late February, female activists presented a two-mile-long peace petition signed by , children in forty-four states to Secretary of State Bryan, who was delighted to receive it. The movement Wales evoked so confidently was still in the budding stage. Neither Hillquit and his fellow Socialists nor congressional populists like Kitchin were ready to embrace her grand experiment in mediation.
The former thought it evaded the imperial rivalries that had caused the war, while the latter trained their fire on the plutocrats of preparedness at home. Neutral rights demand a clearer definition.
Jerry Brotton
Delay is filled with menace. Powerful men had brought the cataclysm about and were doing nothing to stop it. Carrie Chapman Catt and other suffrage leaders went back to campaigning for their preeminent issue. Most labor and temperance women returned to commitments they held more dearly and where partial victories could be won. But peace was the priority of no more than a tenth of that number.
Several well-known peace activists rebutted his charges.
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Most did so rather gracefully.