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Admittedly, there is no indication that the assaults on supposed witches at Grimsby in , Brixham in and East Dereham in were anything more than venge- ful violence, designed to punish or deter a supposed wrongdoer. The at- tacks at Clyst St Lawrence in and less certainly at Paignton in , however, were of a different order. One has to wonder whether the man from Torquay, who in spat in the face of a woman who cursed his children, was thinking the same way. Occasionally these arrangements went wrong, usually because the magicians got greedy and found themselves in court accused of gaining money by deception.

The unsympathetic tone of the newspaper reports and court proceedings cer- tainly suggests they were the victims of prejudice; but they may also have been more willing to exploit their clients. More prosaically, the prominence of gypsies in these cases may simply reflect their increasing prominence in the practice of counter-witchcraft during this period. Kidsgrove was then a small town to the northwest of the Potteries; and the trial of a similarly unscrupulous fortune-telling gypsy from Cardiff, in , suggests that we are not dealing here with an exclu- sively rural practice.

Historians and anthropologists sometimes try to account for the prevalence of seemingly erroneous convictions by postulating that they have a societal function.

Account Options

Witchcraft, so the arguments go, explains misfortune, aids social control, discourages anti-social behaviour, allows festering grievances to be aired, and perhaps even gives power to the power- less. Here we have people who died of fright, who fell into such melancholy states that they ended their own lives, who watched their beloved children starve and who let their valuable animals waste away. Otherwise frugal farmers, labourers and housewives gave away life savings, heirlooms, or all they could afford, to adventurers who promised to lift their curses.

And all of this was done despite the scorn and ridicule that would inevitably be heaped on someone who appeared to believe in such things. Anger, fury, vengeance, paranoia, fear, humiliation, confusion, desperation, and despair thus abounded. The cool rationality and robotic instrumentality implied by functionalist inter- pretations of belief seem, consequently, rather out of place here.

Salem, Massachusetts, Then and Now: Walking with Witches

Powerful emotions, impulses, and instincts were, in these cases, essential elements of witchcraft belief. And to their credit, some contemporaries appreciated this fact. Firstly, it was not an entirely rural persuasion. This was something that struck contemporaries too. That belief in witchcraft was unusually common in the West Country is uncontestable; but this statement needs to be carefully qualified. The eleven cases from Lincolnshire, Yorkshire, Staffordshire, East Anglia and Wales suggest that witchcraft was believed in, by a smaller portion of the population, just about everywhere.

It is also possible that the newspaper archive slightly overstates the particular witchiness of the West. Indeed, many of the journalistic accounts of Cornish witchcraft were either directly written by folklorists or inspired by their lectures. Stories about witchcraft belief were, perhaps, less likely to be reported in regions that lacked a similar scholarly infrastructure.

Some accusations and assaults were simply not picked up by the press: the blooding of an alleged witch on Exmoor in , and the repeated attacks on another from Winterbourne Houghton Dorset in the years just before WWI, are two striking examples. Yet though the press recorded only a fraction of witchcraft belief, it might still seem reasonable to conclude that changes in reporting reflected changing attitudes.


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During the s, newspaper ac- counts about indigenous vernacular witchcraft beliefs and practices began to slow. By the s, there was no more than a trickle of them. Was it, at long last, dead? In a word: no. Some violent, fraudulent, and — ultimately — illegal prac- tices may have ceased, but by shifting our focus from the newspaper archive to the writings of folklorists we can see how, despite its now low public profile, some measure of vernacular British witchcraft belief persisted throughout the second half of the twentieth century.

As Ruth Tongue noted in , quite categorically: There is no doubt that the belief in witchcraft is wide-spread in Somerset, and I have, even in the last few years, come across many countercharms against witchcraft and traces of those beliefs which we find explicitly mentioned in the seventeenth-century witch trials. Not least this is because the work of her colleagues goes some way to corroborating them.


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For it was not just in Somerset, it seems, that witch-belief persisted during the second half of the twentieth century. Ralph Whitlock, in The Folklore of Wiltshire , drew on his own experiences to illustrate how fears of sorcery persisted. Its author, Felix Aubel, was both a Conservative politician and, from , the minister of several Congregational chapels in southwest Wales. Witchcraft reputations, it seems, persist even nowadays — in parts of south Wales, at least. And not just reputations. Aubel observed this first hand when he visited the couple in hospital and, coincidentally, the suspected neighbour was also in attendance.

The Pendle Witch Child (Witchcraft Documentary) - Timeline

For it was during the interwar period that the press began to portray witchcraft not as the practice of maleficent magic, but as an ancient and comparatively benign nature religion. They did so by popularizing the work of the notori- ous folklorist, Margaret Murray, who in The Witch-Cult in Western Europe argued that the witches of history were the devotees of an ancient pagan deity — the Horned God.

It was also during the interwar period that the savagery of alien, foreign, and especially African witchcraft was established as a familiar journalistic trope. From around the s, however, British newspapers began to expand on this theme by car- rying more substantial and sensational reports about the violent conse- quences of colonial witchcraft.

Evan Griffiths, a conjurer from Llangurig, Wales Interwar Britons, as Bernard Porter notes, may well have been largely uninterested in their empire. From the s, international witchcraft beliefs and practices began to arrive in Britain.

Witchcraft in the Church

To be sure, they were not the exclusive cultural baggage of African migrants. The plain fact is that witchcraft beliefs and practices of African lineage do seem, in some cases, to have been particularly intense and violent. The ten- dency to identify not just adults, but children too, as witches, combined with the idea that child witches could be purified through pain, had and still has dreadful consequences.

Between and , at least six children of African heritage died in Britain following periods of abuse or neglect linked to their being labelled as witches. This in part explains why the vernacular and largely indigenous tradition came to be ignored by the press, despite its tenacity; but there was also another reason. The visibility of ver- nacular witchcraft belief owed much to prosecutions of gypsies and cunning- folk.

During the second half of the twentieth century, however, their magical trade disappeared and more law-abiding forms of counter-witchcraft took its place. Chief amongst these new, less conspicuous types of counter-magic was an ecclesiastical movement known as the ministry of deliverance. Maleficent Magic Whether the deceased was the last cunning-man in Wales, or for that matter in Britain, is difficult to determine. As a result, candid testimony about such matters is rare.

Nonetheless it does seem that the cunning- craft had declined considerably since the nineteenth century. Most, though not all, British folklorists thought it was dead. According to some, its fortunes tracked those of witchcraft belief, so that cunning-folk died out when people stopped fearing witches. But as we have seen, witchcraft belief persisted throughout the twentieth century to a greater degree than is often appre- ciated.

Walking with Witches

In particular, it may not be a coincidence that it occurred during what is often identified as the golden age of scientific medi- cine. And Paul was very careful to let the churches know when he was not speaking by the commandment or direction of the Lord:. So any attempt to diminish, side-step, or explain away the writings of Paul in the New Testament is an attack on the Word of God and the foundation of the New Covenant.

But the Torah pushers have to try to diminish or dismiss through convoluted arguments the letters written by the Apostle Paul because he did not mince words about their error. He spoke and wrote plainly about the great danger of perverting the gospel of Christ by making the Old Testament laws, rituals, Sabbaths, and feasts a requirement for New Covenant Christians. Furthermore, the Holy Spirit through Paul destroys their argument that we must keep the law of Moses to be right with God.

Some, in their movement, even go so far as to label the Apostle Paul a false teacher and the New Testament as corrupted and unreliable. This is an example of how deep this error can take a person. The New Testament has more ancient manuscript evidence, historical references from first, second, and third century Christians and even non-Christian historians than any ten books from antiquity.

For instance, archaeologists and experts in history state that the Apostle Luke was a top-notch historian of his day referring to the Gospel of Luke and the book of Acts he penned. But for many of the "Torah folks," these things are ignored. However, if the grievous error of denying parts or all of the New Testament as unreliable was not enough, many of also now deny the Biblical doctrine of the Triune nature of God one God with three distinct parts recognized as Father, Son, and Holy Spirit. Some in the Torah observance movement also deny that Jesus Christ is the fullness of the Godhead bodily even though Isaiah , Colossians , and John 1 to name a few plainly teach that Jesus is God the Creator in the flesh.

So for those who have gone into these areas of deception, they are now blaspheming the Lord Jesus Christ and operating in the spirit of Antichrist which brings to light why Jesus would say this to a Gentile church in Revelation, " I know the blasphemy of them which say they are Jews, and are not, but are the synagogue of Satan" Revelation b. Sadly, these Torah terrorists are very good at avoiding the passages that debunk their "law keeping for righteousness. In other words, they practice a lot of double-talk to make it difficult to pin down what they believe.

Samuel Parris’ Early Life:

For example, I have heard their leaders say, "We don't believe you are saved by keeping Torah.