PDF Who We Are: A Citizens Manifesto

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Who We Are: A Citizen's Manifesto [Rudyard Griffiths] on leondumoulin.nl *FREE* shipping on qualifying offers. Canadians have come to embrace their country as.
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The Standing Together for Democracy consortium believes violence and political division increases spending on security agencies and diverts funds away from addressing poverty. The consortium says fears about political violence in are well founded as political parties have in the past mobilised votes on identity and used ethnicity to manipulate voters.

Citizens' manifesto for political parties

Let us now take a nosedive at two priority areas in the manifesto. This is not a problem unique to Sierra Leone, although a few African countries like Malawi, Kenya, Liberia, have demonstrated commitment to providing space for women to occupy political leadership. Beneath the rising sense of ethnic division, the World Peace Index ranked Sierra Leone the second most peaceful country in West Africa.

But, is this really so? Should peace only be viewed as the absence of war or gunfire? This is why it requires that presidential candidates and political parties commit to giving 40 percent local council and parliamentary nominations to women. This must change if peace is to last. He observed that young people have been consistently used by politicians and that it is time to change that narrative by giving young people the chance to assume leadership positions.

In the run-up to the primaries and constituency elections, I sold bundles of alcoholic contents worth millions of Leones to youth leaders for consumption at rallies organised by political aspirants. In Sierra Leone where youth are vulnerable to manipulation and can be enticed into perpetrating violence during election campaigns, rising unemployment, lack of education and abject poverty exacerbates the problem.

The stakes for conflicts, planned and pre-financed by ill-motivated politicians, are high as the country prepares for the decisive elections. Political leaders made the commitment during the launch of the manifesto to work in line with the document, as well as agreeing they should adopt parts in their manifestos come March He emphasised that the future and hope of Sierra Leone is in the youth and that the manifesto could not have come at a better time.

It is clear that one of the ongoing drivers of hate and violence is the reluctance of the political class to embrace the many opportunities for a sustainable solution to violence and political extremism. Impunity, inequality, and skewed resource distribution remain the biggest drivers of politics in Sierra Leone, reminiscent of the pre-war situation described in the Truth and Reconciliation Commission Report. ReliefWeb has been the leading online source for reliable and timely humanitarian information on global crises and disasters since Learn more about ReliefWeb.

It is a commonplace that there is an abundance of information available about humanitarian situations; the key issue is not how much information we have at our disposal but how we present it in the …. Published on 15 Nov — View Original. The central myth challenged by Who We Are is that Canada's essence is its diversity and lack of a single "national" story. According to this trope, the indeterminacy of the Canadian identity — the lack of a single answer to the question "who are we?

In Canada, the world's pre-eminent "postnational" state, national identity plays second fiddle to ethnic and regional loyalties, and citizenship is a ticket to entitlements, demanding very little in the way of shared responsibilities. Griffiths insists that this conventional wisdom is not only off the mark, but dangerous. Canada, along with other advanced democracies, is confronting a host of challenges most notably the effects of climate change, mass migration and an aging population which requires the summoning of a collective will and purpose.


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Yet, at this very moment, Canadians are disengaging from national institutions and formal politics, volunteering in ever-lower numbers and opting for highly personalized forms of community and belonging. Unless we take steps to rebuild civic values and a sense of obligation to Canada's founding principles, Griffiths argues, our reservoir of social solidarity will run dry — along with our capacity to tackle the gathering "storm.

As co-founder of the Dominion Institute , an organization that promotes Canadian history and civic literacy, Griffiths has worked to address the low levels of knowledge Canadians have about their country's past and its political and social institutions.


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Who We Are continues this mission, encouraging Canadians to think about their history differently. For Griffiths, the first part of 19th century is particularly significant in understanding "who we are. During the turbulent decade after the failed rebellions in Upper and Lower Canada, French and English reformers collaborated in the creation of civic institutions and values that made democratic self-government a reality.

In the process, the author observes, they "forged an enduring consensus as to whom Canadians should be loyal to and why. This period also witnessed a "flurry of nation building," everything from non-denominational schools and local government to railways and the telegraph. Griffiths clearly admires these grand, national projects, and sees echoes of them in the other great historical moment that defined Canada: the postwar government of Louis St.

More recent Canadian history, with its embrace of multiculturalism and decentralized federalism, has forgotten the crucial lessons of these earlier periods about citizenship, loyalty and nation-building.

National Launch of the / Citizens Manifesto | Democratic Governance Facility

Instead, the belief took hold that newcomers to Canada would settle more effectively, and that regional grievances could be addressed more easily, if the country was seen to be made up of many equal identities, without an overarching creed. Griffiths's reading of history, by contrast, leads him to conclude that Canada is a political community, based on shared democratic values and institutions rather than on ethnicity, region or language. We are, in short, "a nation of citizens, not a collection of communities.

Some of Who We Are's proposals for kick-starting Canada's civic values are straightforward and draw on the experience of other societies: a new citizenship exam and mandatory language training for newcomers; increased government spending to integrate immigrants; and a national civics exam for graduating high-school students. Others, however, such as mandatory civic service and voting, are more controversial and reflect a particular philosophy about the boundaries of community in a globalized age.

Indeed, while Griffiths accuses others of adopting a "20th-century mindset," Who We Are sometimes suffers from the same affliction. The best example is his critique of the benefits enjoyed by non-resident Canadian citizens, and his recommendation that Canada annul the citizenship of those Canadians who voluntarily acquire the citizenship of another country. Griffiths writes that citizenship should be "earned through physical settlement" and an active contribution to the "economic and social betterment of the community.

More evidence is needed for this latter assertion.

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Not all dual citizens are "hedging their bets" about Canada's future, and many of them are capable of managing their different allegiances. It's also worth remembering that the solutions to the challenges Griffiths identifies are international as well as national — a reality that makes global knowledge and know-how highly valuable commodities. While Who We Are doesn't present all the answers, it does its readers service by opening up an important debate.