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About The Retreat Sharada from Be Woman Project invites you to enjoy the infinite gifts of being a woman and having a sisterhood. We honor the Sacred Feminine through Devi classes, sharing circles, womb yoga, yoga nidra, ceremonies and self care rituals.
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Plan on riding into the mountains for yoga, hiking, and fly fishing in the summer months. A respite in the peaceful Finger Lakes region of Central New York means wineries, spas, and meditation retreats. In short, this picturesque wine region of the east is the perfect backdrop for personal regrowth. Mountain Horse Farm also offers animal therapy, cow cuddling, massages, hiking, and a dog hotel on site so you can bring your pup with you.

Or try a transformative retreat. Spiritual warriors, head to Ithaca, New York, for weekend programs at a small bed and breakfast owned by Sally VanOrman, a social worker, psychiatric nurse, and natural childbirth instructor. For women only, the Change Your Mind, Change Your Life retreat offers participants the opportunity to become aware of the common beliefs and distortions that have an impact on their lives through guided instruction on self-evaluation in small, intimate group sessions.

Want some time to yourself? Travel writer and publisher of Evolving Magazine , Jill Dutton caught the train travel bug when she spent three months in Europe with a Eurail pass. Now, she enjoys traveling—and writing about—the U. Readers of her USA by Rail blog have come to expect an intimate look at authentic experiences. Jill is currently writing the first of 12 train travel guides: Ride the Southwest Chief.

“Stories of Grace & Truth”: Women’s ReTreat 2018!

Activities and Interests Wellness. Facebook travelawaitsnow TravelAwaitsNow Email. Jill Dutton. Women's Quest. Paulina Dao. Enjoying this Article? Wild Adventure Wellness Retreats. Were it otherwise, men who kill female intimates would routinely argue self-defense and eliminating the duty to retreat from a cohabitant could benefit such men, rendering it an unlikely feminist position.

Rather, most male domestic killers can at best assert a provocation, or reasonable heat-of-passion, defense, which mitigates murder to voluntary manslaughter and is premised on anger rather than fear. Since male anger toward female intimates is not stereotype-averse, male intimate partner killers have a better, although still slim, chance of defending on provocation grounds. That being said, there are cases in which the formal requirements of self-defense prove an obstacle to battered women who kill. One of the more vexing issues involves the imminence requirement.

Some of the women who kill abusers do so when there is a lull in the attack, at the beginning of an escalating attack, or even when the abuser is asleep. Such cases have engendered two strategic moves from feminist advocates and defense attorneys: one evidentiary and one doctrinal. In other words, a person who has the syndrome does not necessarily think she was fending a current attack from an unconscious person. Thus, notwithstanding BWS evidence, the imminence requirement can prove an insurmountable obstacle for battered women defendants.

Nowhere has this been more apparent than the fiercely debated North Carolina Supreme Court decision in State v. Battered women advocates pursued a similar two-pronged approach to address the duty to retreat. Defense attorneys argued that a person who suffers from battered women syndrome believes that she cannot retreat or retreat safely from a sleeping or non-attacking abuser. In the Florida case, State v.

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Bobbit , the defendant battered woman argued that she had no duty to retreat from her husband who attacked her in the home. The court, however, was careful to note that the battered woman could still argue that safe retreat was impossible. Several years later, after a jury convicted Kathleen Weiand of the second-degree murder of her abusive husband, the Florida Supreme Court certified the question of whether to retain the duty to retreat from co-occupants in the home.

Consequently, feminist activism on self-defense has often involved evidentiary and doctrinal expansions of the law, in an effort to aid battered women defendants. The evidentiary strategy of introducing BWS evidence appears to have uniquely benefited this sympathetic class of defendants without conferring leniency on less-likeable characters.

Some theorists critique this phenomenon as troublingly gendered, arguing that the popularity of scientifically questionable BWS evidence reflects jurors and jurists sexist tendency to regard battered women who kill as hysterical and mentally defective.

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Moreover, the doctrinal expansions championed by battered women advocates benefit all defendants who seek to use self-defense. Who, other than battered women, might claim that a preemptive strike was necessary? One can certainly imagine a gang member arguing that he had to prevent a rival gang member from coming back with his crew and shooting him.

And perhaps we should be sympathetic to that claim given the regularity with which gang members make good on their death threats and the difficulty threatened gang members may have in obtaining police help. Imagine an older white man getting into a verbal argument over loud music with a young black man, whose group of friends are down the street. As the young man walks away, the white man shoots him in the back. The legal change, itself, is not gender specific and can benefit men who kill housemates, brothers, cousin, parents, or anyone else living in the home.

Of course, feminist activists envisioned a particular distributional effect of broadening the castle doctrine and banked on the probability that it would primarily benefit battered women who engage in reasonable self-protection. But this doctrinal gamble portended the very self-defense logic that was so maligned by critics during the Zimmerman case. The Weiand court moved from the principle that one need not retreat from the home to the principle that one need not retreat whenever and wherever defending his life.

That is the move to stand your ground. The shooting of Trayvon Martin changed the feminist tenor on self-defense. That case became for liberals around the world the very representation of reckless gun laws, racial profiling, and self-defense run amok. The current left-feminist position against SYG reflects a confluence of factors in the Zimmerman case.

SYG soon became the very symbol of how racism is codified into U.


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Accordingly, most progressives today, including racial justice scholars and feminists, are united against the broad no-retreat rule. But current feminist intolerance of no-retreat seems more of an exercise in solidarity with liberal racial and anti-NRA agendas than a position based primarily on gender. Women defendants successfully capitalize on broad self-defense rules, and men who kill women rarely argue self-defense.

Some scholars articulate a feminist critique of SYG based on the purportedly sexist, or at least masculinist, origins of the no-retreat principle in the United States. The British, it is claimed, evolved away from the no-retreat doctrine in recognition of the sanctity of life and importance of civilized restraint.

This rejection, critical commentators maintain, was based on uniquely American notions of rugged individualism and, importantly, masculine honor. Nevertheless, as is usually the case, history is complicated and does not offer a singular explanation of the U. S treatment of no-retreat. Another case that figures prominently in the historical account is the case, U.

Brown , where Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes extended the no-retreat privilege from the castle to the street. And, when that element is defined in specifically racial terms, it makes for a troubling history. For sure, the self-defense doctrine has had and continues to have racially disproportionate effects, regardless of the retreat rule, and whites who kill blacks succeed on the doctrine far more frequently than defendants in cases involving other racial combinations. Indeed, the law was thrust into the spotlight Zimmerman case, which cut clearly along racial lines. Although feminists may not be on firm ground to reject the rule based solely on a distasteful past, the current SYG platform, which embodies racist fears and true-man-as-macho-man ideals, provides ample reason for maintaining a safe distance.

A Consistent Feminist Position on Retreat? At the time the Zimmerman case was igniting a firestorm of racial critique of SYG, another case unfolded in the same jurisdiction and introduced gender into the debate.


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  8. Marissa Alexander, a black woman, fired a single gunshot at or near her allegedly abusive husband. Unlike George Zimmerman, who declined his SYG immunity hearing for strategic reasons, Alexander was denied immunity by a judge. While the race and gender camps converged on the point that the status quo is unacceptable, their remedies were not so consonant. In that case, neither the Zimmermans nor the Alexanders of the world may use the doctrine, which from a racial standpoint may be preferable, given that the Alexanders are operatively unable to use it anyway.

    It is worth noting, however, that the empirical picture relied on by the SYG abolition camp is not so clear.

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    Most homicides are intraracial, and there is evidence that black and white defendants in such cases utilize the doctrine. The feminist preoccupation with the Marissa Alexander case, by contrast, is not evidently based in abolitionist sentiments. Similar to the battered women cases discussed above, the position is that Alexander was unfairly denied a defense to which she was entitled. The abolitionist spin would be that if battered women are not allowed to stand their grounds, nobody should be.

    But this does not capture the feminist position, and to be sure, that of some in the racial justice camp. The position is not that SYG is a morally questionable and disparately applied doctrine of leniency that should simply be eliminated. Rather, the sentiment is that Marissa Alexander had a right to stand her ground. As in Weiand , the feminist position is one that favors SYG, albeit for a narrow class of female defendants. A careful analysis of the events in the Alexander case reveals just how difficult it is for feminists to balance pro-battered women advocacy, an anti-NRA position, the desire to express an anti-violence message, and concern over mass incarceration.

    Unable to open the garage door and leave, she returned to the house with the firearm. Gray then charged at her and threatened to kill her, at which time she fired a warning shot in the air. The next morning, after a verbal argument, Alexander walked past Gray and the children and retrieved the gun from her car. She immediately shot at Gray, missing his head by inches and frightening the children.

    This is inconsistent with a person who is in genuine fear for his or her life. As with Alexander, the judge presiding over the immunity hearing denied immunity and set the case for trial, holing that Bretherick had not proven by a preponderance of the evidence that he was in fear when he pulled the gun. The jury returned a verdict of guilty on the three aggravated assault with a firearm counts after only twelve minutes of deliberation, and the sentencing judge applied the mandatory minimum sentence of twenty years.

    Under the bill, a person convicted of aggravated assault with a firearm, which is necessarily a person that the jury found did not act in self-defense, is nonetheless exempt from that mandatory minimum. The bill passed the Florida legislature, and, inspired by the Alexander case, pro-gun conservative governor, Rick Scott, signed the bill into law. Strange bedfellows abounded as the Marissa Alexander case played out in the courts and press.

    At the same time, anti-gun Democrats in the Florida legislature lined up with police and prosecutors against the warning-shot law, while defense attorneys supported the measure in the hopes that it would mitigate the harsh effects of life more generally.