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a symbolic expression of the fact that two quantities are equal; an equation.
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But then, many animals suffer, too. Others have nominated our capacity to love. But what about selfish, hard-hearted people?

Gender Equality in Academia and Research

It would be helpful, on a practical level, if there were a well-defined basis for our deep equality. Such a basis might guide our thinking. If deep equality turned out to be based on our ability to suffer, for example, then Michael and Angela might feel better about giving their daughter Alexis, who risks blindness, more money than her siblings. But Waldron finds none of these arguments totally persuasive.

He notes that atheists, too, might locate our equality in the idea that we each have our own story. Equality is a composite idea—a nexus of complementary and competing intuitions.


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The blurry nature of equality makes it hard to solve egalitarian dilemmas from first principles. Deep equality is still an important idea—it tells us, among other things, that discrimination and bigotry are wrong.

Equality Chair - Wits University

To answer those questions, it must be augmented by other, narrower tenets. The communities that have the easiest time doing that tend to have some clearly defined, shared purpose.


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Sprinters competing in a hundred-metre dash have varied endowments and train in different conditions; from a certain perspective, those differences make every race unfair. How can you compete with someone who has better genes? By embracing an agreed-upon theory of equality before the race, the sprinters can find collective meaning in the ranked inequalities that emerge when it ends. A hospital, similarly, might find an egalitarian way to do the necessary work of giving some patients priority over others, perhaps by adopting a theory of equality that ignores certain kinds of differences some patients are rich, others poor while acknowledging others some patients are in urgent trouble, others less so.

What matters, above all, is that the scheme makes sense to those involved. Because maintaining such agreements takes constant work, egalitarian communities are always in danger of disintegrating. Nevertheless, the egalitarian landscape is dotted with islands of agreement: communes, co-ops, and well-organized competitions in which a shared theory of equality is used for some practical purpose. An individual family might divide up its chores by agreeing on a theory of equality that balances quick, unpleasant tasks, such as bathroom-cleaning, with slower, more enjoyable ones, such as dog-walking.

This sort of artisanal egalitarianism is comparatively easy to arrange. Instead, consensus must coalesce slowly around broad egalitarian principles. No principle is perfect; each contains hidden dangers that emerge with time. Many people, in contemplating the division of goods, invoke the principle of necessity: the idea that our first priority should be the equal fulfillment of fundamental needs.

The hidden danger here becomes apparent once we go past a certain point of subsistence. When Fyodor Dostoyevsky went to military school, he wrote home to ask his land-owning but cash-strapped father, Mikhail Andreevich, for new boots and other furnishings, arguing that, without them, he would be ostracized. It applies not just to material goods but to societal ones.

Medical procedures that seem optional today become necessities tomorrow; educational attainments that were once unusual, such as college degrees, become increasingly indispensable with time. A new, more robust safety net—free college, Medicare for All—becomes, for some, an egalitarian necessity. In fact, it sets a high bar. Clearing it may require rethinking how society functions.

Perhaps because necessity is so demanding, our egalitarian commitments tend to rest on a different principle: luck. Instead of dividing things up by asking what people need, a luck-egalitarian system tries to equalize the distribution of misfortune. As Americans, we are charged with recognizing two conflicting values: individualism and egalitarianism. By smoothing out the unlucky differences while accepting those for which people are responsible, luck egalitarianism promises to help us be individualists and egalitarians simultaneously, But, as Anderson and others have argued, doing this is harder than it sounds.

Suppose you turn down a place at your state university to take a job at the auto plant where your parents work, and the plant then closes. The closing of the plant was out of your control, but the decision to work there rather than go to college was yours to make.

Or would the forces of globalization that led to the closure of the plant have narrowed your job prospects no matter your training? The distinction between choice and luck, he argues, is a matter not of fact but of perspective. Explanations of human behavior have traditionally been divided into two groups: those which focus on the forces that push us around and those which emphasize how, as individuals, we can choose to resist them.

The same phenomenon can be viewed from either side of the so-called structure-agency distinction. For most of the twentieth century, Mounk writes, criminologists looked at crime from a structural perspective: they urged politicians to fight it by reducing poverty—its root cause. All explanations are limited, we know, and tell only part of the story. This, he writes, is why we are so ambivalent about luck egalitarianism and the politicians who see the world through its lens.

Conservatives, hoping to constrain the size of the welfare state, overstate how much control people have over their lives; liberals, hoping to expand it, overstate our powerlessness.

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But both positions are unconvincing. Reading Waldron, Anderson, Mounk, and other thinkers on egalitarianism, I found myself remembering a time that started when I was eleven or twelve years old. Waldron wants to find its source. In the course of his search, he explores centuries of intellectual history. Many thinkers, from Cicero to Locke, have argued that our ability to reason is what makes us equals. Other thinkers, including Immanuel Kant, have cited our moral sense. But then, many animals suffer, too. Others have nominated our capacity to love. But what about selfish, hard-hearted people?

It would be helpful, on a practical level, if there were a well-defined basis for our deep equality. Such a basis might guide our thinking. If deep equality turned out to be based on our ability to suffer, for example, then Michael and Angela might feel better about giving their daughter Alexis, who risks blindness, more money than her siblings. But Waldron finds none of these arguments totally persuasive.

He notes that atheists, too, might locate our equality in the idea that we each have our own story. Equality is a composite idea—a nexus of complementary and competing intuitions. The blurry nature of equality makes it hard to solve egalitarian dilemmas from first principles. Deep equality is still an important idea—it tells us, among other things, that discrimination and bigotry are wrong. To answer those questions, it must be augmented by other, narrower tenets. The communities that have the easiest time doing that tend to have some clearly defined, shared purpose.

Sprinters competing in a hundred-metre dash have varied endowments and train in different conditions; from a certain perspective, those differences make every race unfair. How can you compete with someone who has better genes? By embracing an agreed-upon theory of equality before the race, the sprinters can find collective meaning in the ranked inequalities that emerge when it ends. A hospital, similarly, might find an egalitarian way to do the necessary work of giving some patients priority over others, perhaps by adopting a theory of equality that ignores certain kinds of differences some patients are rich, others poor while acknowledging others some patients are in urgent trouble, others less so.

Working towards gender equality

What matters, above all, is that the scheme makes sense to those involved. Because maintaining such agreements takes constant work, egalitarian communities are always in danger of disintegrating. Nevertheless, the egalitarian landscape is dotted with islands of agreement: communes, co-ops, and well-organized competitions in which a shared theory of equality is used for some practical purpose. An individual family might divide up its chores by agreeing on a theory of equality that balances quick, unpleasant tasks, such as bathroom-cleaning, with slower, more enjoyable ones, such as dog-walking.

This sort of artisanal egalitarianism is comparatively easy to arrange. Instead, consensus must coalesce slowly around broad egalitarian principles. No principle is perfect; each contains hidden dangers that emerge with time. Many people, in contemplating the division of goods, invoke the principle of necessity: the idea that our first priority should be the equal fulfillment of fundamental needs.

Gender equality at its finest.

The hidden danger here becomes apparent once we go past a certain point of subsistence. When Fyodor Dostoyevsky went to military school, he wrote home to ask his land-owning but cash-strapped father, Mikhail Andreevich, for new boots and other furnishings, arguing that, without them, he would be ostracized.

It applies not just to material goods but to societal ones. Medical procedures that seem optional today become necessities tomorrow; educational attainments that were once unusual, such as college degrees, become increasingly indispensable with time. A new, more robust safety net—free college, Medicare for All—becomes, for some, an egalitarian necessity. In fact, it sets a high bar.


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Clearing it may require rethinking how society functions. Perhaps because necessity is so demanding, our egalitarian commitments tend to rest on a different principle: luck. Instead of dividing things up by asking what people need, a luck-egalitarian system tries to equalize the distribution of misfortune. As Americans, we are charged with recognizing two conflicting values: individualism and egalitarianism. By smoothing out the unlucky differences while accepting those for which people are responsible, luck egalitarianism promises to help us be individualists and egalitarians simultaneously, But, as Anderson and others have argued, doing this is harder than it sounds.