PDF Perfectly Legal: How to Own Your Very Own Male Slave And Get Away With It

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The first point to emphasise is one that slavery historians, especially modern slavery historians, have always known, namely that slavery in Roman antiquity was not a soulless legal condition—a point of view common in legal studies of Roman slavery—but a human relationship in which slave and master were always inextricably bound together.

The relationship was obviously asymmetrical, comparable according to the third-century Greek author Philostratus Life of Apollonius of Tyana 7. But it was not completely one-sided. Yet because slaves were a human form of property, human agency could and did manifest itself in the relationship from moment to moment. The relationship therefore was one that on both sides involved constant adjustment, refinement, and negotiation.

Some slaves, sure enough, enjoyed a privileged status in their households. As follows: The orator Piso, wishing to avoid being unnecessarily disturbed, ordered his slaves to answer his questions but not add anything to their answers.

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He then wanted to give a welcome to Clodius, who was holding office, and gave instructions that he should be invited to dinner. He set up a splendid feast. The time came, the other guests arrived, Clodius was expected. Piso kept sending the slave who was responsible for invitations to see if he was coming.

Evening came; Clodius was despaired of. An anecdote like this, as everyone will be aware, cannot be taken at face value, as if literally true. It is what the story symbolises that is important: the fact that at any time any slave at Rome had the potential to challenge the authority the slaveowner commanded, which means accordingly that the relationship between slave and master always implicated the energies of both sides in a never-ending struggle for supremacy, and clearly it was not always the master who won.

Owners knew this as the anecdote shows and they had to reconcile themselves to it. Similarly Philo had no doubts Every Good Man is Free 38 that sex was a particularly useful commodity in the relational contest of wills: maidservants with pretty faces and charming words might well take the initiative and seduce their masters—which is to say that slave women could use sex to their advantage and were not always its victims.

Fear of upheaval was never far away.

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At the turn of the third century the sophistic writer Aelian Characteristics of Animals 7. The woman had been unwilling to give up her slave lover, and falsely accused the sons before a magistrate. They were subsequently executed. The combination of slavery, sex and shame was a recipe for social disaster, a deeply disturbing prospect to be avoided at all costs. How might a sense of the never-ending in the master-slave relationship be recovered? The Cena is of course a piece of fiction, as is the Satyricon as a whole. But no one would question that it reflects social conditions of the first century and for present purposes its value lies, I believe, in the way its narrative nature opens up the possibility of observing continuous interaction between a slaveowner and various members of his domestic entourage over a certain interval of time.

There is a porter ostiarius , a major-domo atriensis , an accountant dispensator , a steward procurator , a record-keeper actuarius , a name-announcer nomenclator ; there are cooks and carvers, doctors and masseurs, musicians, acrobats and readers, and any number of attractive boys from Alexandria and Ethiopia to wait at table and catch the eye of guests. Trimalchio orders drinks for the slaves who sit and attend his guests They do not have to be taken literally as evidence of what slaveowners did in real life.

But they reveal how slaves on a daily basis might reap the rewards of being close to their owners at specific moments in time. Physical proximity of slave and master, it needs to be remembered, could expose domestics, even those of superior station, to the punishing consequences of random bouts of temper or irritability as much as to the benefits of random acts of kindness—evidently a common enough problem for moralists like Seneca and Plutarch, and even the medical authority Galen, to be found giving counsel about it from one generation to the next—and there is no shortage of such consequences here.

Trimalchio has an over-zealous slave who picks up a fallen dish boxed on the ears When another pig is brought in, another cook is threatened with flogging because he seems to have forgotten to gut the animal.


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This is a charade of course. Trimalchio is playing a trick on his guests because he wants to impress them with the sausages and black puddings he knows will appear once the pig is cut open. But the significant point is that the charade is credible: Trimalchio has the cook stripped and handed over to torturers tortores he keeps on his staff, as slaveowners could, expressly for the purpose of physically punishing members of his household He also threatens to burn alive a certain Stichus a good slave name if the slave fails to take proper care of his burial clothes Violence, physical, psychological, or both, figures everywhere in the relationship between owner and owned, and the extended dinner narrative expresses this dynamic reality in a way, I think, that inscriptions and passages from the law cannot.

That slavery was an institution based on brute force and terror hardly needs to be demonstrated. And it was not the slaveowner alone the slave had to fear. It made sense to Petronius to imagine that a slave accountant could have a slave underling beaten for having lost his clothes at the baths It even made sense that slaves themselves could be called upon to commit acts of violence: in a later episode of the Satyricon ff an upper-class woman calls on her slave spinning-maid to spit on an enemy, and on her slave chamberlain to beat him.

Violence, or the threat of violence, was everywhere. The violence of sale was a variation on this theme. So what, I wonder, would a real-life character such as the freedman L. Volusius Heracla, who was commemorated as both capsarius and a cubiculo ILS , have thought when looking at a picture like this before he was set free? Had he once been in the slave-market? Might he be there again? Was he once a slave whose face a slave-dealer had plastered with bean-flour to remove his freckles and moles to make him more attractive to buyers—a trick of which Galen knew 6.

But this is not real life, you will say. It all comes from a work of the literary imagination, and a work which by definition demands outrageous comic exaggeration, so that a strictly literal reading of the text cannot be justified. Incidents such as that witnessed by Galen 5. As a control on Petronius some evidence from the Moral Epistles of his contemporary Seneca might be considered. Seneca himself was a slaveowner, on the evidence of the Moral Epistles alone It is what he takes as normal or uncontroversial about slaveowning that is surely significant. In the ordinary course of events Seneca expects elite Romans to have a mass of slaves attending upon them, litter-bearers to transport them, door-keepers to control access to their houses, masseurs to take care of their bodies And slaves are a burden to the owner: they have to be fed and maintained, and they have a tendency to run away Seneca values the edifying story of the Spartan boy who killed himself rather than submit to slavery for what the story says about the need to secure freedom of the spirit; but when he tells it to his interlocutor Lucilius he shows no sympathy for or interest in the slave as a slave It causes him no distress that a slave criminal should be burned alive No problem that a slave might jump from a roof and kill himself to avoid the taunts of a dyspeptic owner or fall on the sword in order to avoid capture after running away 4.

Slaves are essentially enemies, always involved in plots to kill their owners, creatures who, quite simply, like animals, have to be ruled Slavery itself Seneca regards as a state characterised principally by subjection to compulsion—this indeed is what he calls the bitterest part of slavery Or else it is a kind of living death, from which the slave will do anything to escape, saving money by going hungry so that freedom can eventually be purchased and slavery set aside When Seneca makes his grand Stoic statements about the brotherhood of man, claiming for example that the labels of elite Roman, freedman, and slave are no more than inconsequential words The poet Martial opens another window into the world of the master-slave relationship, and he is the last author I want to consider.

Once more, however, the poems can be read as statements that make assumptions about social norms in Rome of the first century, and it is this sense of the normative, and its consistency with what is evident in Petronius and Seneca, that I think is valuable. There are stewards, pedagogues and nurses, musicians, cooks and bakers, and the freak morio who was kept as an object of amusement e,g.


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Both the grief caused by death and the sense of intimacy in life between master and slave conveyed by these poems seem to me genuine, and it is difficult not to take them as evidence of the close personal bond between the two that might develop despite the enormous differences of status involved. In this context, a reference 9. The slave who was once in shackles, Martial says, might one day find himself wearing the ring of elite privilege. Other poems, however, offer a starker set of images. First there is the commodity that can be loaned by a slaveowner to a friend, a transaction which might cause the owner difficulties of recovery but which hardly takes any account of the object of the loan 2.

Secondly there is the commodity that can be bought and sold—sold on a whim to raise the price of a fancy dinner, or, with more calculation, as a result of a cash-flow problem—and bought especially, if you have the money, for sex, of any kind, boy-commodities in the Saepta and girl-commodities in the Subura Are we at risk of increasing the attention to these sources, and pushing up their search engine rankings?

How does the move away from footnotes in online, public-facing posts by trained historians contribute to the growing inability among Americans to assess the accuracy of claims and sources? How might someone coming to this blog post distinguish its accuracy from what they find on Wikipedia, or Pinterest, or any other online source?

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This is something that concerns me more broadly in terms of how the field can engage the public, and specifically in terms of my own work, much of which focuses on debunking false claims about a particular African American woman, Mary Richards Denman. I strive to publish in venues that are accessible to the public, but I wonder how we can best deploy these online forums to demonstrate the detailed research involved in producing accurate, legitimate scholarship.

Fullerton has change ALOT ,please keep on telling the true history. The difference between European and African slavery is so different. Africa thought that the capture clan could earn their freedom,European slavery you could not earn your freedom. Misunderstanding by Africans of the Europeans!

Thank you, Professor Parry, for your illuminating piece. I taught courses in Old South and the Civil War era at my south Georgia university for thirty years, and I felt much the same frustration. These days, active scholars such as yourself have the additional burden of the internet with which to contend. I suspect that they have less than what I would consider honorable reasons for doing so. Their minds will likely not be moved by the facts. By Tyler Parry July 22, 5. Share with a friend:.

Share on Facebook Share. Share on Twitter Tweet. Over the course of that evening, I realised that all of the men were all paying to live out a fantasy where resistance turned them on. The more I screamed, the more they seemed to enjoy raping me. If I pleaded with them to help me, they ignored me. In between each assault, the woman would come in to change the towel on the bed because it would be covered in blood.

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Over the course of two years, I bled every single time I was raped. On one occasion, I accidentally got blood on the sheets, and she beat me up so hard I passed out. When one man punched me in the face, my face swelled up and I wondered if my jaw had been broken. As I sobbed, the woman came down with a small cup of what looked like green medicine. I swallowed it immediately — desperate for pain relief. It worked. Methadone was soon supplemented with crack cocaine, and the constant rape and endless beatings was accompanied by manipulation and death threats.

I believed him. When Mike went on to find out my home address, I felt sick. His whispered words followed me everywhere — breathing down my neck and reminding me that if I tried to escape, my family would be the ones paying the price. I was imprisoned — a slave behind the walls of a whitewashed house in London — and within a few months, I collapsed inwards and lost my fight.

When I climbed the stairs to the kitchen, I saw one of the others was dressed up too. Together we were driven to a posh hotel, where Mike told us to get out. Led through a ballroom, no one blinked in our direction. There were businessmen from all over the world with beautiful women in expensive dresses hanging off their arms, but nobody seemed to think we were out of place.

As the other girl was handed over to a group of young men, Mike pushed me towards an elderly man from Saudi Arabia.

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But the warmth left his eyes. With Mike waiting outside in the corridor, I left the room, crushed. But I still consider that night a lucky escape. As I pleaded with the Sheikh to save me, the other girl from our house was being gang-raped and infected with HIV. So he forced her into domestic servitude instead. Every day, she cleaned the house, cooked the food and did the laundry.