Guide Society Case Files: The Rathurse Incident

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After the completion of his education the Guru ordered him to go to Madhyadesa. And there he became a rant, viz. He had a sword made of devaddru wood, and he soon became a favourite with the king, so much so that other officers grew jealous of him. They represented to the king that this man had a sword made of devaddru wood. How could he then serve his master as a soldier in times of war? The king wanted to inspect the swords of all his officers.

Achalasena represented that his sword should not be seen. But the king insisted, and he agreed to show his sword to the king in private after covering one of his eyes. As soon as the king saw the sword his eye fell on the ground.

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The king was surprised and pleased. But Achalasena threw his sword on a stone, went to Noland a, changed his dress and renounced the world. There be got the name of Santideva on account of his calmness. He heard the three Pztahas, and practised meditation. He got another name too, Bhusuku, because f I Sometime after the young folk of Nalanda became curious to test his knowledge. Pebbtjaet, He at once asked f? The pandits were surprised, searched his Padhu-hutt, viz. From this we come to know that Santideva was a monk at UMandfi, that he had a huti there, that he was called Bhusuku, and that he was the author of the three works mentioned above.

I have discovered several songs on the same subject in Bengali attributed to Bhusuku. One of the songs declares him distinctly to have been a Bengali. Santideva rode into the jungles of Terai where Manjwajra-samddhi, his Ouru, had a tapovana similar to that of DivSrkara in HarsTiacharita. The Guru asked him to go to Madhyadela in which term Hieuen Sthang included Magadha and which the Nepaleese still use in the corrupted form, Madhesa, in the same sense. It may not be out of place to mention here how unhistorical Indian panditas became in the middle ages.

In the Durbar Library, Nepal, there is a manuscript entitled BodUoharyamta- rdnusansaj which is nothing else than the JBodhicharyd itself with a few verses added at the beginning and at the end. The prologue and the epilogue make the Bodhicharydvaidra a dialogue between Asoka and his Quru Upagupta. It may be argued that Bantideva, the author of MaMydna works, and Santideva, the composer ot Sahajia songs, under the name of Bhusuku may not be one and the same person.

But this doubt is set at rest by the signature of one of the songs attributed to Bhusuku, The signature runs ; In this signature Bhusuku calls himself a rautd, and we know from the palm-leaves that Bantideva served as a rduia in Magadha. In our joint expedition to Nepal in Professor Bendall and myself got a work entitled Suhlidshiia-samgraha, Professor Bendall has published the book.

It contains some quotations in that Ajpahhrahsa language. But in my last journey to Nepal in I found several works in that language which after a careful study I am inclined to call old Bengali. It is undoubtedly the language spoken in Eastern India in 7th, 8th and 9th centuries, in which these books were composed. Pakdit T. Three of these he has edited in the Ta'ivandrutn Sanskrit Series. I beg to draw the attention of scholars to a Mvya or epic poem by the same poet.

Gaurishankar H. Ojha, copied from the one in the Deccan College Library. If the work was of merit, the goddess nodded in approval and flowers were showered upon the poet; if not, it was thrown to the ground.

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I shall discuss his case for this assumption in another note. But those who are not prepared to accept Yyasa and Bhasa as con- temporaries, would admit that, in the 12th century and thereafter, tradition remembered them as rivals of almost equal eminence and remembered a kdvya by the latter named Vishnudharma.

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Chandradhab Gtjleei. As it is inconceivable that one author can compose two ditferent works bearing one and the same name, the other Vishnudharma appears to have been hoisted upon Bhasa. B, as the grandfather of YimalSiditya, who was the governor of the Kunungil district when the plates were issued. After the overthrow of the Clialukya power, Balavarma may have become a feudatory of the Rashtrakdtas and fought on their behalf against the Gangas.

There can thus be no doubt about the existence of a prince of the name of BalavarmS at the close of the 8th century. Bhandarkar has likewise based his conclusions on the same identi- flcation.


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I b is possible that the identification is correct. There are, however, a few other circum- stances which cannot well be ignored in this connection.

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He mentions several others, e. In case Balavnrmd is taken to be his contemporary, it stands to rea- son that the others also should be treated as 6uoh.

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It is not reasonable to single out one of the names to base our arguments on and com- pletely ignore the others. Telaug came to the conclusion that Sankardclirtrya flourished at about A. But none of them was his contemporary, if the date generally assigned to him is to be accepted. In these cir- cumstances one may well be excused if one hohl4 the opinion that the identification in the case of Balavarma is as much open to quehtion as in the case of the others and that the synchroniHUi based on it is purely accidental. When epigraphicai or otlier evidence beconns available to prove the contemporaneity ot tint kings referred to with SankarAfhur.

This receives uddiiioird eonfinnatiou from the fact that it agrees with the date of the plnlosojdter arrived at by Prof Fathak on irrefragibie evidence. Translated into English by Wilhelm Geiger, Ph. Demy 8vo : pp. Ixiv, ; with a map of Ancient Ceylon. He has now followed that up by his translation of the text, ptiblishedin English through the co-operation of Mrs.

Bode : Professor Geiger made his translation in German; Mrs. Bode turned his translation into English; and the English rendering was then revised by Professor Geiger ; we may congratulate both collaborators on the result. A sis well known, the text of the Dipavamsa, with an English transla- tion, was given by Professor Oldenberg in We are now at last provided with reliable and easy means of studying both the great Ceylonese Buddhist chronicles.

In the first place, he has briefly recapitulated the demonstration given in his Dipauamsa and Makavamsa that the two chronicles were based on an older work, known as the Atthaka- thii-Mahavarhsa, whicli must have come down originally to only the arrival of Maliendra in Ceylon in the time of Aooka', but was after- wards continued to the reign of Maliasena first half of the fourth century A.

D , In the second place, Professor Geiger, defend- ing the two chronicles against what he has just- ly described p. We have, indeed, to clear away from them a certain amount of miraculous matter.

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But they do not stand alone among ancient histories in presenting such matter. In dealing with the chronology. Professor G eiger hasaccepted B. For a brief statement of the manner in which it is fixeih p. Wickremas- inglie, endorsing it. This last considera- tion, we may add, entails placing the anoint- ment of Asdka in B.

Professor Geiger hesitates p. In what way, then is it to be ex- plained? My explanation may he set aside ; hut it has not been shown bo be open to adverse criticism as the others are. In respect of the later Buddhist reckoning, the erroneous one, now current, which would place the death of Buddha in B. D, This carries it back there to more than a century before the time at which I arrived in this Jommal, It increases the total period accord- ing to the Mahavamsa by 1 year, 4 months, 15 days, by alterations under Nos.