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Teenage marijuana use is at its highest level in 30 years, and today's teens are more School difficulties; Problems with memory and concentration; Increased.
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- Teen pot use could hurt brain and memory, new research suggests
- Teen pot use could hurt brain and memory, new research suggests - NBC News
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This report is the work of the entire Pew Hispanic Center staff. Chapters 4 and 8 were written by Senior Researcher Gretchen Livingston.
Teen pot use could hurt brain and memory, new research suggests
Chapter 6 was written by Kochhar and Lopez. Senior Demographer Jeffrey S. Passel tabulated immigration statistics and provided guidance on the demographic portions of this report. The topline was compiled by Daniel Dockterman and Gabriel Velasco. Daniel Dockterman and Gabriel Velasco provided outstanding support for the production of the report.
The National Survey of Latinos was conducted from Aug. The survey was conducted in both English and Spanish, on cellular as well as landline telephones. The margin of error for the full sample is plus or minus 3. The margin of error for respondents ages 16 to 25 is plus or minus 4. All references to whites, blacks, Asians and others are to the non-Hispanic components of those populations.
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Foreign born also refers to those born in Puerto Rico. Although individuals born in Puerto Rico are U. Unless otherwise noted, this report uses the following definitions of the first, second, and third and higher generations:. First generation: Same as foreign born above. Language dominance is a composite measure based on self-described assessments of speaking and reading abilities.
Spanish-dominant persons are more proficient in Spanish than in English, i.
Teen pot use could hurt brain and memory, new research suggests - NBC News
Bilingual refers to persons who are proficient in both English and Spanish. English-dominant persons are more proficient in English than in Spanish. Pew Hispanic Center. December 11, The Pew Hispanic Center conducted seven focus groups during the summer of to help inform the development of the survey questionnaire and to ask young Latinos about the issues that are important to them. Diego Uriburu of Identity Inc. All groups were composed of Latinos between the ages of 16 and Focus group participants were told that what they said might be quoted in the report, but we promised not to identify them by name.
The quotations interspersed throughout the report are drawn from these groups. To complete the subscription process, please click the link in the email we just sent you.
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About Pew Research Center Pew Research Center is a nonpartisan fact tank that informs the public about the issues, attitudes and trends shaping the world. It conducts public opinion polling, demographic research, media content analysis and other empirical social science research. The paper involved analyzing data, from to , on about 1. The researchers took a close look at self-reported marijuana use in the surveys among the students as well as survey responses in areas where medical or recreational marijuana was legalized. The researchers examined the responses before and after the marijuana laws were implemented.
The data showed that marijuana use among high schoolers was not statistically associated with medical marijuana laws, but there was a link with recreational marijuana laws. The politics of pot are changing The paper had some limitations, including that only an association was found in the study -- not a causal relationship -- and more research is needed to determine why this association exists. The new study appears to contradict some separate state-level studies that suggest marijuana use among teens remains unchanged -- instead of declining -- following legalization, said Bonnie Halpern-Felsher, professor of pediatrics in Stanford University's Division of Adolescent Medicine in Palo Alto, California, who was not involved in the new paper.
Back at the car, DuBuc wept.
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DuBuc felt increasingly unsettled. I fell into a deep depression. But, outside of her academics, things seemed only to get worse. Many such laws were applied retroactively, lumping juvenile offenses with those of adults. A few days later, as she sat in her room working on a paper for class, she heard a ping from her AOL Instant Messenger account. The sender was anonymous.
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She no longer felt safe in the dorm. She applied for jobs that interested her—working with the homeless, helping out an urban ministry—without success. For a while, she dropped out of school, returning to Howell and working as a home-health-care aide. But she knew that her best chance of becoming independent was to complete her education. She moved into a homeless shelter in Kalamazoo and returned to class.
Unable to escape the public registry, DuBuc decided to study it, and then take it on. Finally, she began to write her story. Do I sound like a violent, predatory sex offender to you? But vigilantism, too, has found opportunity in transparency. Most state registries publish an explicit warning against using the database for so-called citizen justice. To judge from my conversations with more than forty youth registrants and their families, however, these warnings have done little to prevent threats and violent attacks. After the boys returned from two years of detention, the family dog was shot to death by a neighbor.
A third mother, from Missouri, showed me photographs sent to her by local registrants who had apparently been singled out for retribution. But the stories of juveniles on the registry have increasingly swayed her. Back in , she helped bring a Florida father, Mark Lunsford, to Capitol Hill, to tell the story of how his daughter, Jessica, had been kidnapped, raped, killed, and buried by a man with a long history of abusing children.
In South Carolina, she noted, a nine-year-old could be placed on the registry for life. DuBuc had come from a tight-lipped family—even today, some of her relatives have no idea why she was suddenly whisked away from home in sixth grade. But she began writing letters to every local power broker she could think of, asking for a second chance and pleading for the same consideration to be extended to others who faced charges as juveniles. She took her story to the state legislature and urged legal reform, calling for juveniles to be removed from public registries.
At the very least, she told the state Senate, youthful offenders deserved a chance to have their cases reviewed for risk and fairness. Then she waited. In Lansing, a reform bill stalled, then failed. America no longer had a place for her, she decided.
In rural Minnesota, Patty Wetterling had, by the late two-thousands, devoted more than two decades of her life to keeping young people safe. First, she and her husband established a child-advocacy group, the Jacob Wetterling Resource Center. With each passing year, Wetterling learned more about the costs and the causes of sexual harm. She studied the prevalence of the problem vast , its perpetrators trusted familiars far more often than strangers , and its most effective remedies programs centered on open lines of communication in households, schools, and communities. Her first major clue that juvenile registration might demand closer scrutiny came in the nineteen-nineties.
She had been touring the country, speaking out against the sexual exploitation of children, when she got an invitation to visit a juvenile-sex-offender treatment facility in Alabama. There she met a child who had just spent his tenth birthday at the institution. I get that. She received a call from a Minneapolis mother who wanted to tell the story of her son, and soon followed up with a letter from him.
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The database was no longer for the private use of law enforcement. Nor was it confined to high-risk offenders or adults who targeted kids. In some states, the registry pooled juveniles and those charged with public urination together with adults who had repeatedly raped children. It also imposed a costly burden on law enforcement—time and money that might have gone for supervision of the highest-risk offenders and the training of officers in preventive measures.
Wetterling began to talk to Ricky.
These included not just juveniles but also young adults, eighteen and older, who could be tried and sentenced accordingly. In at least twenty-nine states, Human Rights Watch reports, consensual sex between teen-agers can trigger registration. There have been scattered efforts at reform, including in Texas. But for many people found guilty of sex offenses, including Anthony Metts, in Midland, they came too late.
Metts settled into his new life in the oil fields, reluctantly accommodating an array of strictures that he regarded as pointless.