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There are two extreme financial teachings in Christian camps today: the Prosperity Gospel and the Poverty Gospel. I believe both are wrong. This teaches that you can command God to prosper you financially, that when you give you can expect a larger financial increase in return, and that your spending can be extravagant and carefree.

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This false theology is in contradiction to the many Scriptural warnings against greed, selfishness, coveting, idolatry, and the love of money. Some people, eager for money, have wandered from the faith and pierced themselves with many griefs. You should be on your guard to identify and reject the teachings of the Prosperity Gospel as well as the other extreme, the Poverty Gospel.

Proverbs instructs us not to seek poverty or riches. In Hebrews 11 , often called the Faith Hall of Fame, you can read of heroes and martyrs, rich and poor, who made up the fabric of our Christian history. What made them distinctive were not their bank accounts, but how they obediently used their opportunities to further the work of God on earth.

Abraham, Isaac and Jacob were men of means. King Solomon was said to be the richest king in the world, as a gift from God. And when Jesus died on a cross for our sins, wealthy and well-connected men asked for his body and buried it at their expense. In Acts 2 we read how the early church shared their resources, rich and poor, to take care of all. God gave us the tenth commandment as a law against coveting.

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We should not have animosity towards anyone who has been entrusted with greater possessions than us. What is lacking in the more qualitative research, however, are systematic analyses of the findings of different studies or any evidence concerning the incidence of patterns identified. Comparative studies are needed of different neighborhoods, and such research needs to be linked to more quantitative analyses.

What are the agents and units that need to be studied? Research often measures a neighborhood as a census tract, a block, or even a housing unit, depending on the availability of data. But a neighborhood selected and measured in this way may not correspond with the neighborhood of interaction or of self-location by its residents. Moreover, insofar as neighborhood has a geographical referent, its meaning depends upon context and function. Shifts in technology and in the spatial organization of cities have altered definitions profoundly Katz Even today, both the objective and subjective definitions of neighborhood may vary across classes.

A number of characteristics of neighborhoods and communities seem important for understanding how neighborhoods and communities mediate broader changes in society, the economy, and culture in ways that shape outcomes of individuals, families, and other groups. Among them are: the concentration and persistence of poverty; the extent of residential segregation; the extent of social isolation; the quality of the housing stock; the extent of crime and drug use; the nature and effectiveness of formal and informal resources; also, the number and functioning of institutions, especially schools, social welfare and child care organizations, businesses, community-based organizations, and recreational facilities; the number of available jobs; and the hiring preferences and criteria of employers.

Less tangible characteristics of neighborhoods such as their competence, social accountability, and collective empowerment seem no less important. Clearly, the relevant units vary by behavior and domain, and they depend upon the outcome or process of interest. Of particular importance are relationships among neighborhood characteristics over time, the overall climate of a neighborhood, and the dynamics of neighborhood change.

Some have argued, for example, that the deteriorating structure of economic opportunity and the decline in resource stocks in inner-city neighborhoods have led to the spread of crime, drug use, and other social problems. These in turn may have diminished the density of social ties and undermined the effectiveness of institutions, social networks, household economies, and family functioning. Beyond determining the size, boundaries, and characteristics of neighborhoods, an even more difficult issue is how to characterize them in ways that best link their properties to social and personal variation.

The measures typically available in studies of census tracts, for example, are relatively remote from perception and action, and therefore make strong linkages unlikely between neighborhood characteristics and outcomes for inner-city poor. More proximal characteristics of the neighborhood, at the level of its social organization and institutional functioning, are more difficult to obtain and often requires community study or ethnographic observation, but they are likely to yield more powerful linkages. Some argue that the strongest linkages between neighborhoods and individual outcomes should emerge—logically—from characterizations of the perceived neighborhood—its norm, opportunities, barriers, dangers, models, controls, pressure, and supports as seen by its residents Jessor More conceptual work is needed to identify the units for study in a longer-term research agenda.

Special attention is needed to understand the social cohesion of units and the mechanisms through which characteristics of neighborhoods affect families and individuals.

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Perhaps the greatest theoretical challenge is to formulate concepts at the different levels of analysis and to identify the linkages among these levels. Such formulations should help us to specify the logical connections between macro processes, mediating processes, and outcomes status, behavior at the level of persons or groups. Most of the people who have worked on neighborhood effects have not studied the mechanisms by which neighborhoods get to be the way they are.

Yet, understanding the paths and processes of neighborhood changes may be quite important for predicting the pattern of neighborhood effects. Crane, for example, proposes an epidemic model of neighborhood change, using a mathematical model of the spread of infectious diseases to suggest how social problems may increase exponentially within the most disadvantaged neighborhoods Crane, a.

The key implication of the model is that there may be critical points in the incidence of social problems in neighborhoods. If the incidence stays below a critical point, it will tend to remain at some relatively low-level equilibrium. Another implication of this model is that the pattern of neighborhood effects should take a very specific form.

That is, neighborhood effects should be much stronger in the most disadvantaged neighborhoods than anywhere else. Using data from the Neighborhood Characteristics Files of the Census, Crane recently documented that in neighborhoods with a small proportion of professional jobs the effects of neighborhood characteristics on dropping out of school and teenage childbearing are quite different and much greater than when we look at the entire distribution of neighborhoods Crane b.

Most models of neighborhood change posit a general sequence, or a set of stages through which neighborhoods typically pass White Some argue that there are points at which local institutions e. Other models suggest that a community or neighborhood deteriorates because a protective or a corrective mechanism middle-class role models, recreational facilities is not present or is inoperative. The absence of such mechanisms, it is proposed, reduces the immunity of neighborhoods to deleterious effects of larger social, economic, or cultural changes.

Conversely, communities or population groups which possess these protective capacities may actually benefit from these larger social, economic, or cultural changes. Jencks suggests, for example, that changes in norms toward marriage, divorce, sex, and out-of-wedlock births have further disadvantaged the poor while benefiting the upper middle class Jencks From the standpoint of understanding whether neighborhoods become physically and spatially isolated, or whether they experience renewal, the minimum and necessary conditions that can reverse or halt the process of neighborhood decline need to be ascertained.

Specification is needed of the conditions under which neighborhoods experiencing change in the racial and ethnic composition of the population, declining economic bases, or aging housing stocks are destined to become underclass neighborhoods, and under what conditions they are likely to remain viable working-class neighborhoods, even if with lower resource stocks. Such analysis will require multidimensional models of neighborhood change, and a better understanding of the intersection between neighborhoods and broader economic, social, and political structures and processes.

Broader economic, social, and political forces affect the patterns and processes of neighborhood change in ways that may lead to beneficial or deleterious outcomes for individuals.

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For a discussion of research on macro level structures and processes, see Pearson These broader forces are also mediated by local institutions in ways that may attenuate or exacerbate their effects. Understanding each of these processes is important for developing models of neighborhood change, and for specifying the role of neighborhoods and communities in a fuller theoretical treatment of the structures and processes which generate, maintain, or help to overcome the conditions of the urban underclass.

Scholars have suggested several ways in which broader economic, social, and political changes may have affected neighborhood change in inner cities. The interaction between structural shifts in the distribution of income and patterns of racial segregation has led to increasingly geographically concentrated urban poverty for blacks outside of the West and for Hispanics in the Northeast Massey and Eggers An economic restructuring in which jobs requiring lower education have been replaced by knowledge-intensive white-collar jobs may have led to increasing rates of joblessness for inner-city blacks Kasarda The out-migration of both white middle-income residents Kasarda and of black middle- and working-class families Wilson may have led to economic and institutional decline in inner-city neighborhoods.

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There are several ways in which these changes may have contributed to the decline of inner-city neighborhoods. Kasarda argues that the loss of blue-collar employment and the exodus of white middle-income residents drained the city tax base and further diminished the number of blue-collar service jobs such as domestic workers, gas stations attendants, and local delivery personnel.

Concurrently, many secondary commercial areas of cities withered as lower income levels of minority residential groups that replaced the suburbanizing whites could not economically sustain them Kasarda Wilson argues that the out-migration of working- and middle-class blacks from the ghettos left behind concentrations of the most disadvantaged with the least to offer in terms of marketable skills, role models, and economic and familial stability.

Under such conditions, ghetto problems magnified. Kasarda suggests that the flight of working- and middle-class blacks from the ghettos may also have led to the closing of black-owned stores and shops, and to the flow of income from black earnings out of the black community The economic decline of inner cities may have been exacerbated by redlining Bradbury, Case, and Dunham , and by the subsequent decline of schools and other local institutions.

A variety of institutions at the local level have been shown to attenuate or exacerbate the effects of broader structural forces. Among them are community-based organizations, local labor markets, and schools. Stories can be told in many communities about the dramatic changes effected by the leadership of grass-roots community organizations. Some have suggested, however, that dramatic instances of neighborhood renewal may depend upon the dynamism of the local economy. Some evidence concerning the effects of tight vs. Freeman and Osterman report that local labor market shortage conditions in Boston have improved the employment of disadvantaged youths, increased their earnings, and reduced their poverty during a period when each of these measures of economic well-being deteriorated nationally for disadvantaged youths Freeman ; Osterman Osterman notes, however, that conditions for Hispanics have barely changed.

Unfortunately, we do not know to what extent these economic effects may have ameliorated other social ills.


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Schools are particularly important institutions that mediate the effects of broader structural forces. In terms of the number of dollars spent, schools use more societal resources than other institutions at the neighborhood and community level. Formal schooling increasingly sorts individuals into classes of service workers and professional employees, and the changing nature of the economy suggests that the power of schools as sorting mechanisms in our society is likely to increase.

Existing research suggests that the most successful programs, the most effective instructional approaches, and the family and community supports that have been demonstrated to improve educational outcomes, are least likely to be found in large urban public schools with high proportion of disadvantaged students. Moreover, there is an unarticulated, implicit school-family partnership, for which the intersection of class and ethnicity seems to produce substantial inequities.

Ogbu emphasizes the importance of cultural models which children and families of different class and ethnic backgrounds bring to the experience of schooling Ogbu Clark argues that poor black families vary significantly in ways that affect school success Clark Some have suggested that poor families are more sensitive than affluent families to neighborhood and school characteristics.

Yet, studies evaluating experimental interventions in schools typically fail to consider how the social structures of neighborhoods and communities and the dynamic of their change may reinforce, mediate, condition, or work at cross purposes to such interventions. Successful programs of school restructuring have often focused on social relationships, on building self-esteem, and on improving relationships between families, schools, and communities Comer Increasingly, researchers are examining schools as organizations, schooling as a process, and schools as differentiating environments.

Such research offers promise for beginning to answer the key question of why some schools are much less likely than others to produce disadvantaged students, even in the face of deprived family and community settings Boyd Future research needs to focus on differences between schools in the context of their relationships to families and communities.

Understanding the processes by which neighborhood characteristics affect individual outcomes is complicated. The effects are likely to be indirect, with their impact depending upon the interaction of neighborhood characteristics with those of families, households, social networks, and individuals. Moreover, understanding the nature of effects on individuals, and their consequences, often requires a focus on development and developmental trajectories. Current discussions of neighborhood effects often imply that incentives operate on a person at the time of an outcome.

Yet there is considerable evidence that some outcomes of interest—such as dropping out of school—are accurately predicted by events in childhood i. In addition, research has demonstrated that fundamental developmental constructs such as efficacy, competence, and self-esteem, mediate individual outcomes. Discussions in the planning meetings emphasized the need to think about the expectable sequences and forms of influence between communities and neighborhoods, parents and families, and developmental trajectories.

Little is known about the basic family functioning that may be affected by neighborhoods and communities. Do families function differently in resource-rich neighborhoods? What are the effects of danger in the environment, of the comparative opportunities and constraints that crime and drugs or low wage jobs provide to inner-city residents, of the role of gangs, of the quality of schools?

Much of the work on disadvantaged families has focused on family structure, as measurable by census categories. But these may not be the most important distinctions.