War To Make Peace: Machen Frieden

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The third phenomenon was the new life and widespread legitimacy the peace movement gave to feminism in the event. Activists turned simultaneously to the strategy of placing men in leadership positions in the movement except in women-only peace organizations , but the enduring feminine association seems to have proved detrimental. While activists sometimes tied themselves into rhetorical knots with this strategy, it proved effective, at least in some respects. It can be argued that this image of a female Europe is one that Europeans have regularly and positively projected since that time.

Additionally, the peace movement united divided European feminists among themselves in many cases, at least in working directly on this issue, in a way that not even campaigns for reproductive choice had done. The emergent Green Party in West Germany grew to parliamentary strength in part by linking feminism and disarmament, care of the earth and non-violence. These represent noteworthy transformations. But the image and the broader associations were not without their both less functional and less attractive qualities as well.

The binary gendering of rearmament represented additional problems. This threatened only to reverse rather than transcend the earlier ordering of femininity versus masculinity. What were the sources of these patterns? Peace activists in the s did not draw ex nihilo on a gendered image of Europe, any more than on a feminized peace activism, though they were successful in using these images to evoke contemporary concerns and associations.

There is a long history of figuring Europe as a woman.

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In the preceding century, this image had been largely a negative one. In this scenario, the U. As the notion of a Cold War became the dominant template for viewing postwar Europe, some regarded America increasingly as a bullying defender, uninterested in consensual partnership. As after World War I, many Germans felt particularly vulnerable to unequal relations.

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Europe was the abused wife. We can find these issues and this rhetoric too in the British case, despite its different wartime relation to the U. This appeal was in part in writing the story of the arms race in a particular way. The double-track strategy of prospective rearmament alongside continued talks was developed in the second half of the s, particularly at the urging of British Prime Minister James Callahan and West German Chancellor Helmut Schmidt, in response to concerns that the U. In , Schmidt gave a widely publicized speech in London, calling on U.

President Jimmy Carter to agree to positioning missiles on West German soil.

The new president made this story all too easy to tell. It was little stretch to substitute Reagan, frequently photographed on his ranch, smilingly challenging the Soviets, for the character of Major Kong in the British-American Cold War film classic Dr. In that film, Major Kong enthusiastically rode a nuclear missile like a bucking bronco.

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European peace protestors in the s adopted and worked from this imagery, in part to recruit additional demonstrators. Reagan as well as U. In our own image while far less sexually suggestive than many , Europe kicks the rocket with her high-heeled shoe, sending it pointing downward rather than up. They challenged fellow Europeans to re-think simplistic Cold-War assumptions. For better or worse, they also successfully drew on broader antipathies toward America, critical in bringing new groups to the movement, such as the nationalists who protested alongside communists, for example, in the Italian, Dutch, Danish, and West German movements.

But, once more, the rhetoric and images also produced conundra and contradictions that are worthwhile to acknowledge.

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By setting European-American relations in the context of patriarchy, the strategy thereby proclaimed these relations among the most difficult in world history to transform. We do not want to be exterminated because of the madness of the great powers. Members of the Dutch peace group Weeds wrecked a model of the U. White House that was displayed in a model village, in order to emphasize the overweening American role and presence in the Netherlands and in Dutch decision-making.

Thus for example activists opposed an American male lethal embrace of technology with an explicitly or implicitly European female life-giving oneness with nature and Christianity.

A feminization of Jesus, for example, proved a means to allow European men back into the category of protestors for peace. But this imagery betrayed conceptual difficulties.

Historian Jill Liddington notes in this vein generally the increasingly Manichean and in her view correspondingly problematic language that emerged in segments of the British peace movement, similar to that of Reagan—and which, paradoxically, she ascribes notably to the influence of certain American activists, arguably more influential in Europe than they were in the U.

In a published reflection, Michaela Freyhold mapped out one on top of the other images of U. The European images may also have been effective in attracting a wide range of activists to the movement. But it seems worth considering as in the American case as well the costs of some of this imagery, practical and otherwise. Gendered rhetoric continues from both the European and American sides in describing one another and their relations.

One may argue that gendered metaphors and others have in the intervening decades contributed in some ways to transforming European-American relations for the better.


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Perhaps least useful is the way such imagery reinstanciates particular notions of gender difference itself. Ongoing careful attention to the broader functionality and resonances of such metaphors remains critical. Friedens- und Konfliktforschung als Geschlechterforschung, Essen , pp. For someone willing to take their time going through the book, however, there is much of interest. Another excellent chapter examines how war criminals were or were not brought to justice. That is perhaps the lesson the author wants to convey when he quotes Winston Churchill: Reviewed by Mark G. McLaughlin December 16, This article is not an endorsement, but a review.

The author of this book provided free copies of the book and paid a small fee to have their book reviewed by a professional reviewer.

War to Make Peace

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