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By June , none of the 15 local authorities which had sold more than 30 per cent of their housing stock were in the North, Yorkshire and Humberside, the West Midlands, the North West or Inner London all were in the South or East. Atkinson and Durden : note that the majority of sales were to those living in houses as opposed to flats. McNabb and Wass : report that single people were the least likely to buy their homes, and this decreased with the presence and number of children.

Cole and Furbey : note that the sales of council houses were concentrated amongst prosperous rather than economically depressed areas, middle-aged tenants with adult children rather than the elderly or younger residents and the skilled working class as opposed to welfare claimants.

In other words, national-level laws played out in different ways in different places.

As such, residualization is associated with a shrinking of the numbers of people relying on council housing, the concentration of entrenched social and economic problems amongst those housed in council-owned accommodation and the political marginalization of council tenants in discourses and debates about housing Cole and Furbey : However, the increases in the reductions of the price with which tenants could buy their council homes and the rises in the mortgage interest relief rates meant that the public sector moved closer towards catering for the poorest and most disadvantaged households Monk and Kleinman : In addition to this, the requirement for councils to house some of the most-needy households a requirement of the Homeless Persons Act meant that this process was further enhanced.

In line with Ginsberg see above , Kemp : 77, table 5. The causes of this dramatic growth are complex; social and demographic changes would have accounted for some of it divorce rates were increasing, see David : and Hill and Walker : 86—8 and people were living for longer too. In addition, unemployment would have forced some either to relocate, leaving existing homes or to move, possibly making dependents homeless.

Nevertheless, Kemp : 78 is not alone in attributing the rise in homelessness to government policies, albeit unintended ones, such as changes to the rules governing social security eligibility.

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Williams : goes as far as to suggest that by the early s, the main route into council housing was via homelessness. The better housing stock in the better areas became privatized, and hence typically mixed-tenure estates emerged in suburban areas, whilst inner city areas underwent a process of ghettoization Stewart and Burridge : Monk and Kleinman : argue that this has led to the emergence of a new underclass of housing with around 20—30 per cent of the homeless and badly housed who can expect little improvement in the situations.

We see, e. These track general trends in the unemployment rate, but the increases in the rates are higher for those in the social rented sector and slower to fall. Unsurprisingly, therefore, more of those in social rented housing experience low levels of income. The BCS asked its fieldwork team to assess the state of local housing in the area adjacent to the homes in which they complete interviews.

Between and , this hovered around 2 per cent for owners, whilst for social renters, it remained around the 9 per cent level despite the work of Housing Associations towards the end of this period. However, amongst social renters, both data sets suggest that more of the people living in this tenure were made up of ethnic minorities rising from 4 to 5 per cent in the early s to around 10 per cent by the late s. Table 4 deals with welfare recipients in the two social groups we are most interested in owners and social renters and again supports the general notion that levels of residualization have increased amongst the social renters.

For example, whilst 40 per cent of owners were in receipt of incapacity benefit in , the same figure for social renters was 67 per cent, and whilst the owners slowly decreased between and , for the social renters, there was very little meaningful change in the percentage claiming incapacity benefits. Whilst a very small number of owners were receiving single parent benefits 2—3 per cent for social renters, this was rising from 6 per cent to around 10 per cent.

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Similarly, owners saw declines in housing benefits, whilst social renters always higher anyway saw increases. A similar trend is observable for unemployment; although both groups saw declining percentages of people claiming unemployment benefit. The GHS also asked about economic activity and tenure. It is clear, therefore, by all of the measures, we have explored, and using three of the most respected data sources on these topics, that the social renters have slowly become part of a residualized sector in society, earning less than owners, relying more heavily on specific welfare schemes, working less, being more likely to come from ethnic minorities and living in areas with both a high turnover of residents and a greater percentage of housing stock in poor conditions.

The council housing estates which provided homes for the affluent working class in the interwar and immediately post-war periods were not associated with crime, disorder or social disorganization at all Murie At this stage, it was the declining, inner city, privately rented households which were associated with crime, high levels of turnover and low levels of social control Murie As such, the social rented housing sector was an extremely complex one.

Generally, however, council estates saw very high levels of employment and very low levels of disorder. In some cases, by dint of many residents sharing the same employer or working in very highly related and integrated sectors of the economy, the relationships which fostered appropriate levels of informal social control in the workplace, in schools and in trade unions often cascaded into relationships between neighbours—who often worked together in order to maintain and produce a well-ordered environment in which rules were obeyed and authority respected Bottoms et al.

In this respect, it is important to bear in mind that the association between council housing and crime is 1 a relatively recent one and 2 not, therefore, an automatic one. Murie explains the changes in the spatial concentration of crime via processes outlined above chiefly residualization, polarization and privatization.

As Murie notes, housing policies, the processes of allocation and social stigma all contribute to the incidence and spatial distribution of crime. Similarly discriminatory practices helped to produce some estates in which there were concentrations of vulnerable people—but in the main the concentrations and their associations with crime were the exception, not the rule. However, whilst these trends can be identified going back over a number of years, the pace of such changes has quickened over the past 20 years. Our aims in this contribution are to explore the long-term social and socio-spatial effects of the Housing Act and those Acts which followed it , and, in particular, the right to buy, on the spatial distribution of crime in English and Welsh cities.

Our aim is to assess the extent to which those who remained in council-owned houses and similar accommodation owned by other organizations such as housing associations became at increased risk of property victimization, such as burglary, theft from the home, vandalism and car crime. We explore the impact of the right to buy and related legislation on the socio-spatial distribution of crime using two principal data sets—namely, the BCS and the BSAS, and in so doing we focus on the data collected under the auspices of these data sets form in the case of the BCS and in the case of the BSAS.

As such, ideological changes, when enacted via legal systems can act to produce changes—albeit slowly—in the distribution of some forms of property victimization. Before we examine the relationship between housing tenure and victimization, let us look at the degree to which owners and social renters were protected from burglary victimization by, in this case, burglar alarms we choose burglar alarms since the BCS has asked about these, with the exception of , since This data Table 6 suggest that whilst the two groups were roughly on a par with one another in , this parity quickly disappeared, and by the turn of the century, three times as many owners and those buying with a mortgage had burglar alarms when compared to those in social renting.

So, even though coverage increased, it did so unevenly. Let us now turn to explore the relationship between victimization in or near to the homes of survey respondents and tenure over time.


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One of the problems that we face in undertaking such an analysis is that the BCS did not start until , and therefore the earliest self-report victimization data which it can provide us with is for the year As this came after the commencement of the right to buy, the BCS cannot provide with information about the relative distribution of victimization prior to the commencement of council house sales. Table 7 reports the data from the GHS for the questions about being burgled in the previous year for , and it was not asked in any other years prior to These questions suggest that housing tenure was not strongly associated with burglary in the years prior to the right to buy legislation coming into force.

The data present a remarkably stable picture; about 2 per cent of owners and 3 per cent of renters had been burgled in the previous year so , and However, this was, even with just three data points, a relatively stable situation, with the mean difference around 0. So whilst renters experienced on average more domestic thefts between and , there appeared to be no underlying change in the relative risks in the eight or so years before the right to buy was introduced.

Let us now turn to the BCS data for the experiences of owners and renters from the year which the BCS would have asked about. Of course, the comparison with the earlier GHS is not perfect since the two surveys ask slightly differently worded questions , but the data are sufficient for our purposes. Whilst the GHS data suggested little difference between the owners and renters, this picture changes when we look at the BCS data for which we have combined into one measure items asking about entering the home and causing damage, entering the home to steal or cause damage, having items stolen from within the home and having items stolen from outside the home see Table 9.

This data suggest that both social renters and home owners saw increases in crimes around their homes during the s. However, it does not suggest that there were huge variations in experiences; more social renters had experienced this sort of victimization, but their rates had not increased terribly much higher than those of owners.

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Table 10 suggests a slightly different picture, however; what the data demonstrates is that in , social renters already had about twice the levels of burglary victimization than owners did in line with the GHS proportions, see Table 8. By the end of the data run in , their average number of victimizations of this sort had declined to below levels. For social renters, the situation in had worsened considerably; in , the average number of burglaries was 0. We have established that since , the size of the social renting sector has 1 declined in size and 2 become residualized i.

Whilst this narrative fits with the existing literature e.

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Murie ; Kemp , there are two potential ways in which these changes may have been related to higher and more concentrated levels of domestic property crime. Let us take these in order. So, e. This has the effect of making it appear that there was a change in crime levels associated with different tenures—but actually, there might be little or no change in where such crimes took place geographically, it is simply that we have shifted one set of social renters into a different category.

Of course, over time, former-council renters who now owned their homes may choose to invest in additional security devices such as burglar alarms.

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When this residential replacement came, it too did little to alter crime rates, we suspect. This is because, when council house tenants who had bought their homes came to sell them, the general rise in house properties meant that they were in the main selling to those who could get mortgages and afford to buy these homes. Hence estates with low levels of crime tended to remain low crime estates.


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This might have been because, over time, the concentration of households with social and economic problems increased as a result of the economic down turn and the loss of employment in manufacturing, coal mining and allied trades. Those who could leave did so leaving their council homes to be re-let by the council to those in greater need residential replacement and that this brought with it the sorts of social and economic needs associated with crime and disorder.

Disentangling these two processes is, using the data available to us, not an easy task. However, some informed assessments can be made. It is unlikely, we think, that the right to buy led to dramatic increases in rates of residential replacement immediately. Those tenants who bought did so because they liked their homes and the areas they were in and were not speculating in the then embryonic housing market Forrest and Murie : This suggests that the first explanation above is plausible. However, with the passage of time, there is a greater and increasing rate of residential replacement.

In those areas in which fewer former-council houses were bought, the pressure to accommodate increasing numbers of those in social need meant that the estates which remained in council ownership saw increases in anti-social behaviour and crime. As this suggests, the second explanation starts to become more significant over time. Kershaw and Tseloni The relative pace at which these processes took hold will, of course, be shaped by local policies and economic fortunes. Objectively similar estates in, say, the south-east and the northeast may have experienced different processes which operated at different speeds due to the availability of employment locally.

Additionally, the nature of the stock on council estates high-rise, low-rise or houses—and again the age and size of these will also have shaped long-term outcomes.